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GROCYN AND LINACRE.

[1511.

The cultivated Italians, on observing their ardent love of study, their wide range of general learning, and their command of a polished Latinity, hailed with delight the prospect of being assisted in their labours for the revival of true knowledge, by scholars from the remote and barbarous country of Britain.* It was fortunate for Henry's dominions, that at the period when classical literature was about to be resuscitated, and assert its pre-eminence over the monkish systems which had so long enthralled the human mind, two such men had returned to their own country; and fortunate also, that the youthful monarch who now occupied the throne appreciated their talents and seconded their exertions. The expressions of Erasmus, when in London, in a letter addressed to the preceptor of the Archduke Ferdinand, are remarkable: "I wish often, like you, that our court would imitate Britain, which is full of men most learned in all kinds of studies. They stand round the royal table, where literary and philosophic subjects are discussed relative to the education of a prince, or to some question of good morals. In short, the company of the palace is such, that there is no academy you would not undervalue in comparison with it.t

* Freind's History of Physic, vol. ii. p. 35.
+ Turner's Henry the Eighth, vol. i. p. 43.

1511.]

JULIUS THE SECOND.

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CHAPTER II.

Political State of Europe at the Commencement of Henry's Reign.

War with France-State of Italy-State of Scotland-Siege of Terouenne-Battle of Spurs-Taking of Tournay-Battle of Flodden Death of Louis the Twelfth.

FROM these happy and rational enjoyments, relieved as they were by the occasional splendour of feudal pageants and the healthy pastime of the chase, Henry was now to be called to graver cares. Julius the Second had already succeeded in the objects which he proposed to himself in the league of Cambray. Having reduced the overgrown power of the Venetians, he became jealous of the conquests and preponderating influence of France; and with that restless ambition and passion for political intrigue which distinguished him, projected an alliance between Ferdinand of Spain, the Emperor Maximilian, and Henry the Eighth, which, he trusted, with the assistance of the republicans and the papal power, would at once drive the French out of Italy. To accomplish his views with regard to England, he sent the youthful monarch a gift, which, even in those days of increasing intelligence, was calculated to make an impression. The golden rose* which had been blessed by the Pope, perfumed with musk, and anointed with Wilkins' Concilia, vol. iii. p. 652.

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JULIUS COURTS HENRY.

[1511. holy oil, was laid at his feet, with a letter which saluted him as head of the Italian league. Henry, only a short time before this, had renewed his alliance with Louis the Twelfth, and could not instantly break with that sage ruler. But the representations of the Pontiff on the propriety of reducing the increasing power of France, and the elegant flattery with which they were accompanied, did not lose their effect on the king; for, after an interval of negotiation, in which the opinions of the privy-council were divided, he decided on war, and on a cordial co-operation with Ferdinand, the Pope, and the Venetians. He did not, however, immediately proceed to hostilities, but contented himself with urging forward his military preparations; whilst he despatched an auxiliary force of 1500 archers, under Sir Edward Poynings, to assist Margaret, regent of the Low Countries, against the Duke of Gueldres.

In the mean time matters began to assume a threatening appearance on the side of Scotland. The French king, against whom this formidable coalition had been organized, was the ally of James the Fourth. The Duke of Gueldres was also connected by a strict league with this monarch; and these causes of dissatisfaction with England were increased by an event which took place soon after, and which has been minutely recorded by one of the most graphic of our old chroniclers. This was the death of Andrew Barton, a Scottish naval officer of great skill and courage, in an action with the English. James, a prince of much energy and enthusiasm, had, amongst other objects of state-policy, devoted much attention to his navy. He had built, besides other vessels, one denominated the Great Michael, which

1511.] NAVAL ACTION WITH THE SCOTS.

47

was amongst the largest then in the world. He had encouraged his merchants to fit out armed ships, with which they not only traded to various countries, but sometimes attacked the rich carracks of the Portuguese. It appears, that on account of some great losses sustained in this way by the Bartons, a family of seamen, the king had renewed the letters of marque originally granted by his father; and under their protection the celebrated Andrew, with his two brothers, commenced a privateering adventure, in which they not only made prizes of several Portuguese, but attacked the fleets of other nations, not excepting the English, under the pretence that they had Portuguese goods on board. Complaints were carried to Henry's privy-council, that the narrow seas were infested by these bold depredators; and the Earl of Surrey, who, though now an elderly man, preserved all the original vigour of his character, striking his hand upon the council-table, swore that such insults should not be borne whilst he had an estate to furnish a ship, or a son to command it. He accordingly fitted out two,* and intrusted the charge of them respectively to his sons, Sir Thomas and Sir Edward Howard. After being some days at sea, the brothers were separated in a gale, during the continuance of which the Scottish ships, the Lion and the Jenny Perwin,† also parted company. The former, commanded by Barton in person, was a large vessel completely armed, and manned by a veteran and experienced crew; her companion was only a pinnace, and the storm which

*Hall, p. 215. Lloyd, p. 143. Hollinshed, vol. ii. p. 811. + I suspect this unintelligible name, which appears in all the accounts of this action, is a corruption for the Jenny of Irvine. She was only an armed pinnace.

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DEATH OF ANDREW BARTON.

[1511. had separated them, brought Sir Thomas Howard within sight of the Lion in the Downs. The English admiral, having got the weather-gage, instantly attacked the adventurer; who made a long and desperate defence, cheering his men with his whistle till he fell mortally wounded on the deck. The ship then struck, and the sailors, who had behaved with great bravery, were admitted to quarter. Whilst this action was going on, Sir Edward Howard had fought the pinnace with the like success; and, on the 2d August, the brothers triumphantly entered the Thames, bringing with them the Lion and her consort as trophies of their superior naval skill. The loss of Barton was deeply felt and highly resented by the Scottish sovereign; and he despatched the Earl of Argyle and Lord Drummond to complain of the infraction of the treaty then subsisting between himself and his brother-in-law. Henry briefly replied, that the officer whom he bewailed was a pirate, and that his death could never be considered as any breach of an alliance between princes.* This fight, and the haughty brevity of the royal answer, are both worthy of notice, as leading to the subsequent contest between the two kingdoms, and the fatal defeat at Flodden.

In the mean time Henry's martial aspirations became every day more observable; the warlike shapes of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth haunted his slumbers; and, without considering how soon their laurels had withered and how idle it was on his part to attempt a permanent conquest of France, he became solicitous to rival the glories of Poictiers and Agincourt. In this wish he was sup

* Hall, p. 525. Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 143.

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