case of imposture, he has equally the satisfaction of knowing that his order cannot be exchanged for whiskey. Some such place of shelter is absolutely necessary to prevent one of the most abused kinds of almsgiving; for a humane man cannot turn a wanderer from his door on a freezing night, without either shelter or the means of securing it. Toronto is to be congratulated on having set a good example in providing shelter for the homeless, who, in these hard times, do sometimes have to spend the nights in a barn or on the street, for lack of money to pay for the humblest lodging.

Brooklyn, the city of Churches,' has lately established an institution which forms an admirable check on the imposition that often preys simultaneously on a number of charitable associations. Its organization is of the simplest-its aim being to afford information by the registration of the beneficiaries of the various societies that will furnish their own data for the common good; the information to be confidential, and used only for the purpose of charity. In smaller places this object could be accomplished by the simple means of intercommunication between the societies themselves, and would be a most important aid in circumscribing and repressing the growth of an idle pauperism which will certainly never work, while it can deceive the public through half a dozen channels.

Another admirable American relief association must here be noticed, as affording a model which any city might well copy. This is the Loan Relief Association' of the Sixteenth Ward in New York,-an association formed for the purpose of relieving the needy by the loan of money, sick-room comforts, and medical attendance, by supplying medical attendance and medicine gratuitously, or at a nominal price, and by rendering any other aid and assistance that may seem necessary or desirable. Its loans are made, after due enquiry, on the principle of

requiring a third person as security for a loan, a principle which seems to work most successfully, as, last December, its accounts showed only $1.50 unpaid. How infinitely better this is for the poor man himself than the system of giving relief, in saving his self-respect and his independence, they can best testify who have often watched with pain the gradual but certain descent into dependent pauperism, of those who have once reconciled themselves to receiving direct charity. Very great good has been also accomplished by this association, at a small expense, by their system of lending in cases of sickness those comforts which are needed only at such times, and which are utterly beyond the means of the poor to buy. Articles of this kind are given as donations to the Society, kept by them at their rooms, and loaned out as the occasion arises. It performs also the functions of a Dispensary, a charity which should be attached to all our Hospitals and Houses of Refuge, since it can hardly be doubted that lives are often sacrificed to the inability of the poor to procure needed medicine and advice in the early stages of disease, not to speak of the nourishing restoratives which are often a cure in themselves. This Loan Society, through its lady members, supplies nourishing delicacies, fruit, flowers, the matterof course comforts of the rich in sickness, but usually unattainable luxuries for the poor. Its loving care for sick children is one of its special features, and children, too, are found by it most useful and appropriate messengers to brighten the sick beds of less happy children by their offerings of pictures, flowers, and last not least, by bright talk and stories; an exercise of mercy likely to bless quite as much the ministering children,' as the children ministered to.

Apropos of the welfare of the children of the poor, one of the most urgently needed measures for promoting this, and at the same time discouraging pauperism, would be the absolute pro

hibition of the juvenile begging so common in our cities and towns, with a rigid enforcement of the same. Nothing is more demoralizing to the parents, or more ruinous to the children. Many wretched and lazy men and women keep their children from going to school and send them out to beg from door to door in order to maintain them, and supply the wherewithal to drink from the proceeds of the pitiful lies they are instructed to tell. It is needless to say that those who give 'charity' to these unhappy little ones are just playing into the hands of the wretched parents, and encouraging the growth of one of the worst kinds of pauperism, which is certain, unless some external force intervene, to perpetuate itself in the children thus exposed to the worst influences, and cut off from any chance of improvement. We might well have, with our free school system, the compulsory education enforced in Great Britain without it; but if we cannot yet go so far as this, it might surely be competent for civic authorities at least to have begging children arrested as vagrants and compelled to attend school. If the children are unfortunate enough to have parents who are bent upon destroying them, and training them to become a second generation of paupers and a curse to the community, it is surely time for the community to interfere.

The suggestions which have been made in this paper are intended merely as a contribution towards the solution of a problem which the writer would gladly see fully and thoughtfully discussed, believing that its satisfactory solution will be one of the greatest benefits our growing country can receive. How to eradicate the plague-spot of pauperism may be, in older countries, a question for believers in Utopia. Here, as yet, it is not a hopeless one; and the concerted action of benevolent and judicious men and women might prevent its ever becoming so, and avert from us the some

times threatened danger of a poor law. If anything is likely to precipitate such an evil, it will be the heartless and short-sighted niggardliness of those who will not contribute their reasonable share to our voluntary relief funds. It were well that such should be warned in time that, if poor rates were established here, their compulsory contributions would be probably ten times as much as the petty sums they grudge to give under the voluntary system, for all experience teaches that official relief acts as a hotbed of pauperism.

There is another danger to be avoided. The materialistic atheism, so widespread in this age, is already making secret ravages on the faith, such as it is, of our lower classes, for moral epidemics often seem, like physical ones, to be in the air.' Hand in hand with it naturally goes the spirit of Communism, and those who have the best means of judging fear the advance of both among ourselves, the latter stimulated by the long continued pressure of hard times.' If those who suffer from these to the extent of enduring cold and hunger, see the richer classes continuing apparently as luxurious in dress, appointments, entertainments, as if there were none among us and around us dreading or enduring starvation itself, -the bitter feelings naturally awak ened must give an additional impetus to the wave of infidel and Communistic feeling which has travelled to our own borders. But if our poorer classes find that those who may still be called wealthy are ready to abridge their own luxuries,-to cultivate simplicity and economy in order that they may more abundantly distribute to the necessities of those who are 'destitute of daily food-in the spirit of Him who 'for our sakes became poor that we through His poverty might be made rich-then the present general depression may become the means of teaching to those who sorely need it, the truth that Christianity is still a living power in the hearts of men and

THE HE question at what particular date the present Legislative As sembly of Ontario should be regarded as having run its course and ceased to exist by effluxion of time, has a historical, rather than a controversial interest. It was discussed mainly in that sense during the recent session of the Legislature, and less with the view of imputing blame or censure to the responsible advisers of the Executive— for no motion was submitted to the House, which had met as usual at the season most consistent with public convenience than as a precautionary step, having regard to the protection of public and private interests against any possible contingencies arising from the transaction of business after the termination of the four years during which the Local Parliament has a legal existence. The subsequent proceedings of the Legislature afforded of themselves a sufficiently emphatic declaration of confidence in its own vitality, and may be assumed to have removed the matter beyond all occasion for doubt, if doubt on the subject ever really existed. It is not, however, amiss in this very practical age, to refresh our minds occasionally with enquiries of this nature, and it is in a spirit of enquiry and suggestion, certainly not as one entitled to speak with personal authority, that the writer of the following pages submits the results of his investigations into the practice or usage, and law of parliament, as they bear upon the points under discussion :—

THE USAGE OF PARLIAMENT.

In Magna Charta the course to be followed in summoning the Common

Council of the Kingdom is described as follows:

'And also to have the Common 'Council of the Kingdom (parliament. 'to assess and aid, otherwise than in 'the three cases aforesaid :* and for 'the assessing of scutages (taxes), 'we will cause to be summoned 'the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbotts,

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Earls, and great Barons, individually 'by our Letters. And besides, we 'will cause to be summoned in general 'by our Sheriff's and Bailiffs ALL those 'who hold of us in chief, at a certain 'day, that is to say at the distance of forty days (before their meeting), at the least, and to a certain place; and in all the letters of summons, we will 'express the cause of the summons; 'and, the summons thus made, the business shall proceed on the day ap 'pointed, according to the counsel of 'those who shall be present, although 'all who had been summoned have not 'come.'

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We have here: (1) The declaration in express language that ALL entitled to be summoned shall be summoned. (2) Ample time allowed-any haste or emergency notwithstanding-for ALL to reach the place of meeting; and, (3) The submission to, or suspension in favour of a rule or law, of the Prerogative. No parliament could be a true and legal parliament under the Great Charter if held before the expiration of the 'forty days at least' allowed for the notification (or election of the members, or, in other words, until every one had a' fair opportunity to attend.

To redeem the King's person; to make the King's eldest son a knight; and, once to marry the King's eldest daughter.

The provision of the Great Charter above referred to was embodied in the Statute 7 and 8 William III., which enacted that forty days should elapse between the teste and the return of the writs of summons for the election of a new parliament. But when, by the Act of Union of England and Scotland, 6 Anne, c. ii., the Parliament of England became the Parliament of Great Britain, by reason of the remoteness of some of the constituencies in Scotland, it was provided that the space of fifty days should be allowed for the return of the writs summoning the first United Parliament, and it became the custom to allow fifty days at least thereafter. On the Union of the Parliament of Ireland with that of Great Britain, sixty-one clear days were allowed by the first summons, fifty-two days by the second and third, and fifty-five days by the fourth. Means of travel

and communication having been greatly improved and facilitated, the time was, by the 15th Victoria, c. 23, reduced to, and is still fixed for Great Britain and Ireland, at thirty-five days. So, from the earliest period of British Parliamentary Government to the present day, the curtailment of the prerogative right of the Sovereign to summon Parliament-no matter how pressing the occasion-in favour of the right of ALL to be represented has been tolerated and legalized.

The legislation of Canada is based on the same principle. By the Union Act for Canada (3 and 4 Vic., c. 35, Imp.), fifty days were to be allowed until otherwise provided by the Parliament of Canada. And, by the 14th and 15th Vic., c. 87 (Canada), the time was expressly enlarged in favour of Gaspé, and Chicoutimi and Saguenay to ninety days. It may here be remarked that not only has no instance occurred in which Parliament has met before the elections for the constituencies just mentioned have been held, but, having regard to the jealousy with which the due apportionment of representation

between Upper and Lower Canada was viewed, and the often very evenlybalanced state of parties in the old Canadian Assembly, it is impossible that any legislation should have contemplated the meeting of the House with three Lower Canadian Electoral Districts unrepresented.

By the British North America Act, 30 and 31 Vic., c. 3., the District of Algoma first received representation. And, by the 32 Vic. c. 21 (Ontario), while forty days was the period assigned for the return of the writs generally, ninety days were allowed at certain seasons for the return for Algoma. The clause relating to Algoma is as follows:-('Sec. 18, sub-sec. 4.) 'There shall be forty days between 'the teste and the return of every 'writ of election: Provided always 'that in the case of the District of Algoma there shall be ninety days. 'between the teste and return of any

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'the polling shall take place between 'the first day of May and the first day of November following), at Fort 'William.' By the 38 Vic., c. 3, sec. 21, it was provided that no nominɛ'tion or poll should be held in the 'District of Algoma except during 'the months of June, July, August, 'September, or October.' By the 39 Vic., c. 10, sec. 13, the provisions of the Electoral Law in regard to Algon a were somewhat further modified. Tle section reads as follows :-'The nomi'nation in the Electoral District of 'Algoma shall not take place less than 'fifteen days nor more than twenty 'days after the proclamation was posted up; and the day for holding 'the polls shall be the fourteenth day next after the day fixed for the 'nomination of candidates.

'The nomination, or polling, may be 'held in any year at some time from