the Queen and enemies of the Government felt the proof sufficiently to say, that if the Bill could be modified into a divorce, a mensa et thoro, leaving out the degradation from title, &c., they would support it; and, if carried, whatever allowance was granted she would accept it and leave the country. He went so far as to inform me that he had been requested to hint this in proper quarters, in order that it might be acted I asked if it was with this view he mentioned it to me, and whether I was at liberty to relate this conversation to any of my friends in Government. He said, "Yes," and begged me to do so. I told him I would; but before we parted, I gathered that his principal friend was Sir *

upon.

to value, very much alters the authority.

which, as

Saw Wellesley Pole and the Duke at the office, to whom I related this conversation. P. thought it ought to be entertained: the D. who was just come from the H. of Lds., and tired and disgusted, if not resentful, at all the factious and insolent spirit that showed itself there, doubted whether it could be worthy of notice, but said he would mention it.

Dined afterwards with Lord Mulgrave, who thought the thing worth pursuing, as was any honourable mode of terminating the business.

Oct. 17th. House met in pursuance of the adjournment. Going to the House, met James M'Donald. He said he had not a doubt of the Queen's guilt, and never had, but he thought the legal proof had failed. I asked what he thought of Brougham's own opinion of the facts. He said he would tell me what he had

said (I think) two evenings before that: at first, he did not think it possible that she could be innocent; but the more the case had opened, the more had her innocence appeared, and that now, in his conscience, he believed her guiltless. I said he might think himself sincere, but was so vehement and rash in every thing he said, that he spoke generally with a perverted mind. His incorrectness on a thousand points had been manifest. As to the Bill, he (M.) felt quite sure it would not pass the House of Lds., and that many of our best friends thought so too, witness his uncle the Archbishop of York (Vernon), who had told him he had written to his son that he need not come to Parliament, for he was sure the Bill would never go through the Upper House. I mentioned *

notion. He said, perhaps Brougham might advise such a thing, but he had in fact very little influence with the Queen.

Oct. 18th, 1820.- Sat a long time with Pole, and discussed many things confidentially. He complained strongly of Canning, not for standing neuter, if he had a reason and had mentioned, but for having gone the whole length with the Cabinet in all the measures against the Queen up to the very first speech he made upon the subject, and then to make that speech, that she was the ornament and pride of society, and

Mr. Canning's speech does not appear to accord with Mr. Pole's recollections of it. With respect to the Queen and the reasons why he had wished her to continue abroad he says, " Of fascinating manners, of easy access, of an open, generous, and unsuspecting disposition, she would in

that he never would be either her accuser or her judge. That his offer to resign after this was nothing; he should have made his sentiments known and resigned beforehand. As to the Queen's case, he (Pole) thought there was nothing left for it but to go through and show her infamy; which done, it did not signify what became of the Bill. He was about to leave town, and begged me to write to him.

Went to the House of Lds., where all had gone off to a collateral point, the conduct of the Milan Commission. This, if pursued, will detain them six months before the Bill can come to us.

The opinion seems to gain ground that a resolution of guilt might be come to, and the Bill then given up as inexpedient. Lord Kenyon came out to me, and invited himself to dine with me on Monday. We are as wide as ever as to the Queen. Had some conversation with Tierney, who looked serious and down. He said every thing was worse and worse out of doors, and he saw no remedy. I observed, the only remedy, the only possibility of things returning to their former state, was a rebellion, and the troops' standing by us and quelling it with a high hand. He replied, that was the disease. I said, neither he nor I should live to see society where it had been and ought to be; to

sensibly have become the rallying point of disaffection and of political intrigue;" while of himself, while adopting to the full the responsibility of the course adopted by his colleagues, he says, "If there had been any injustice meditated towards her Majesty, no consideration on earth should have induced me to be a partner to it, or to stand where I at this moment stand."

which he assented. I have no doubt he is sincere; yet he and his party are the real authors of the spirit we deplore.

At six with the Duke and Pole again. The D. as vehement as ever that the case is proved, and the Bill ought to go on: this is his straightforward way. Il ne sçait pas ménager. Never had any man more of the simplicity of honesty. I asked him if he would go on if not sure of his friends.

We then discussed how any resolution of guilty without pursuing the Bill could be come to, and he said it would be the most difficult thing in the world. His mind, however, seemed on it, and Pole's very much. Walked home with Pole, and met in our way a procession of two thousand sawyers coming from Brandenburgh House, with music, banners, and favours. P. who had been long out of town, seemed to me rather struck. He goes to-morrow, and asked me to come to him in the country, which I promised, if possible. We had talked before this of the King. I said, the misery was he seemed without a friend-nay, was hated. P. replied, it was worse, and he was despised.

Oct. 19th, 1820.-Was some time with the Duke, who was very confidential. He had just come from the Lds., where, he said, they had made some way towards a close in shutting out the strange proposition laid down by Brougham,- that general re

I

port in Italy that money was to be got by swearing against the Queen was or should be evidence. said I would rather live at Constantinople than under such law.

We fell upon the general situation of things, which the Duke allowed was almost as bad as could be, nor could he see the remedy, if the upper and middle ranks would not stir. But all, he continued with some sadness as well as indignation, seem struck with panic― ourselves and all; and if the country is lost it will be through our own cowardice. Every thing, said he, audacity and insolence on their side, and tameness on ours. We go to the House seemingly on purpose to be insulted; the opposition know it, and act accordingly. I said, I feared it was particularly so in the H. of Commons, where the ministerial bench, with the exception of Ld. Castlereagh, seemed like victims, especially since Canning was away.

I mentioned Mr. Pole's speech on the 17th, as proper, if only to show that they would not be bullied, especially by such a speech as Calcraft's, whose attack on the Chancellor (not there to defend himself) was one of the most illiberal things I had ever heard. The D. agreed to this. I said I wished some one had answered by asking him what he would himself

*Note by Mr. Ward. -Canning had got leave from the king and his colleagues to go abroad during the queen's question.