IV. (p. 22). "A certain mysterious connection exists between a family and its kobong, so that a member of the family will never kill an animal of the species, to which his kobong belongs, should he find it asleep; indeed he always kills it reluctantly, and never without affording it a chance to escape " (Grey, Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and Western Australia, vol. ii. p. 228).

V. (p. 23). "Yet it is not exclusively his, but others of his family have certain rights over it; so that it may be considered as partly belonging to the tribe. Thus all of them have a right to break down grass-trees, kill bandicoots, lizards, and other animals, and dig up roots; but the presence of the owner of the ground is considered necessary when they fire the country for game" (Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1832). "A man can dispose of or barter his lands to others " (Nind, vol. i. p. 28). "If the males of a family become extinct the male children of the daughters inherit their grandfather's land" (Eyre, vol. ii. p. 297). Waitz, vol. vi. p. 792. Grey, vol. ii. p. 326.

VI. (p. 31). "It can be shown with a great degree of probability that the valley of the Columbia was the seedland of the Ganowánian family, from which issued, in past ages, successive streams of migrating bands, until both divisions of the continent were occupied. It seems probable, therefore, that their ancestors possessed the organization into gantes, and that it fell into decay and finally disappeared." (Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 109).

VII. (p. 31). "Each Indian has his tamanuus, or spirit, which is selected by him at a very early age, and is generally the first object they see in going out to the woods that has animal life. Others create from their imagination one that has never met mortal eyes. The choice of a spirit, however insignificant it may appear, has a great influence on their after-life; for, by its supposed commands, they are directed to good or evil, as they conceive that a nonconformity to its wishes would involve them in a multitude of evils," etc. (Wilkes, Narrative, vol. v. p. 118).

VIII. (p. 32). “I have previously had occasion to refer to the fashion among the Indians of carving the faces of animals upon the ends of the large beams which support the roofs of their permanent lodges. In addition, it is very usual to find representations of the same animals painted over the front of the lodge. These crests, which are commonly adopted by all the tribes, consist of the whale, porpoise, eagle, raven, wolf, frog, etc. In connexion with them are some curious and interesting traits of the domestic and social life of the Indians. The relationship between persons of the same crest is considered to be nearer than that of the same tribe; members of the same tribe may, and do, marry-but those of the same crest are not, I believe, under any circumstances allowed to do so. A Whale, therefore, may not marry a Whale, nor a Frog a Frog. The child again always takes the crest of the mother; so that if the mother be a Wolf, all her

children will be Wolves. As a rule, also, descent is traced from the mother, not from the father. Whenever or wherever an Indian chooses to exhibit his crest, all individuals bearing the same familyfigure are bound to do honour to it by casting property before it, in quantities proportionate to the rank and wealth of the giver" (R. C. Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 257).

IX. (p. 32). "As for clans, there are many, and there are secret badges. All that can be noticed, as to clans, is, that all those that use the same roots for medicines constitute a clan. These clans are secretly formed. It is through the great medicine-dance, that a man or a woman gets initiated into these clans. Although they all join in one general dance, still the use, properties, etc., of the medicine that each clan uses is kept entirely secret from each other." "The medicinesack of a deceased Indian is given to the nearest relation; this is the only mark of identity. This sack is kept for two or three generations sometimes; but the names of the owners have no affinity to the former family. So all is kept in the memory; and when that fails, all is gone (H. R. Schoolcraft, History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, vol. ii. p. 171; vol. iii. p. 242).

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X. (p. 33). "Every separate body of Indians is divided into bands or tribes; which band or tribe forms a little community with the nation to which it belongs. As the nation has some particular symbol by which it is distinguished from others, so each tribe has a badge from which it is denominated, as that of the eagle, the panther, the tiger, the buffalo, etc. One band of the Naudowissies (Sioux) is represented by a snake, another a tortoise, a third a squirrel, a fourth a wolf, and a fifth a buffalo. Throughout every nation they particularize themselves in the same manner, and the meanest person among them will remember his lineal descent, and distinguish himself by his respective family" (J. Carver, Travels through Interior Parts of North America, edit. 1796, p. 164).

XI. (p. 33). "The most influential men in a tribe are the medicinemen" (R. C. Mayne, Four Years in British Columbia, p. 260). He speaks further on of other corporations, "which the whites term 'medicine-men'... I may mention that each party has some characteristics peculiar to itself; but, in a more general sense, their divisions are but three-viz. those who eat human bodies, the dog-eaters, and those who have no custom of the kind" (Ibid., p. 286). "I think it is generally supposed that these parties I have described are the doctors of the Red Indians, because their proceedings are called 'medicine work,' and they 'medicine-men;' but I find that the medical profession is altogether a distinct business, and the doctors a distinct class" (Ibid., p. 289).

XII. (p. 34). "In bygone days, these small tribes contended against each other with great bitterness; but by the beneficial influence exercised over them by the Hudson Bay Company, they have been induced to live together in peace, and intermarriages among the tribes now fre

quently take place; in which case, it is said, that the husband almost invariably joins the tribe to which his wife belongs, under the idea that among her own family and friends she will be better able to provide for her husband's and children's wants. This also may proceed from the fact of the influence the women possess; for they always assume much authority in their tribe, and are held in high respect. They have charge of the lodge and the stores, and their consent is necessary for the use of them; for after coming into their possession, these articles are considered the women's own. . . . Polygamy was and is still practised. Where this is the case, or where many families reside in the same lodge, each family or wife has a separate fire" (C. Wilkes, United States Exploring Expedition, vol. iv. pp. 447, 457.

XIII. (p. 35). "All that was obtained in hunting belonged of right to the wife's hut, during the first year of marriage. In the ensuing years, the man was compelled to share with his wife, whether she remained in the village or accompanied her husband" (Lafitau, vol. i. p. 579). "As to their (the Seneca-Iroquois') family system when occupying the old long-houses, it is probable that some one clan predominated, the woman taking in husbands, however, from the other clans, and sometimes, for a novelty, some of their sons bringing in their young wives, until they felt brave enough to leave their mothers. Usually, the female portion ruled the house, and were doubtless clannish enough about it. The stores were in common; but woe to the luckless husband or lover who was too shiftless to do his share of the providing. No matter how many children or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at any time be ordered to pick up his blanket and badge; and after such orders it would not be healthful for him to attempt to disobey. The house would be too hot for him; and unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or grandmother, he must retire to his own clan; or, as was often done, go and start a matrimonial alliance in some other." (Comp. Hunter, p. 254.) "The women were the great power among the clans, as everywhere else. They did not hesitate, when occasion required, to knock off the horns,' as it was technically called, from the head of a chief, and send him back to the ranks of the warriors. The original nomination of the chiefs also always rested with them" (Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 455, App.).. "When a young man (among the Knisteneaux) marries, he immediately goes to live with the father and mother of his wife, who treat him, nevertheless, as a perfect stranger, till after the birth of his first child; he then attaches himself more to them than his own parents; and his wife no longer gives him any other denomination than that of the father of her child" (A. Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal, p. xcvii.).

XIV. (p. 49). "Names among the Mapuchés were originally given to designate certain traits of character and appearance, or they were derived from particular circumstances, as Eupuelev, 'the winner of two races,' Katri-Lao, 'the red lion;' but the necessity of distinguishing

families caused the latter part of the father's name to be transmitted to the children, with some modifications to distinguish individuals. Thus arose such family names as Huens, 'heaven.' Still, though surnames are becoming more fixed with time, national usage makes it optional with parents to transmit their own names to their own children or not; and frequently in a large family no two will be found whose names bear any relation to each other" (E. R. Smith, The Araucanians, p. 262).

XV. (p. 49). "The idol_commanded the priest to tell them that the chiefs should be divided, each according to his race and family, that the land should be distributed in four, so arranged that the house built for the idol's resting-place should be in the middle. . . . When this separation had been effected, the idol ordained that the gods should be divided among them, and that each quarter should mark out other special quarters, in which these gods should be worshipped; thus each main district included several lesser districts, according to the number of the gods they were ordered to adore, and these were termed Calpultutco, that is, district gods" (Antoine d'Herrera, Histoire Générale des Voyages et Conquestes, vol. iii. p. 156).

XVI. (p. 51). "As soon as the change was made (from the female to the male line) the father would take the place held previously by the mother, and he, instead of she, would be regarded as the parent. Hence, on the birth of a child, the father would naturally be very careful what he did, and what he ate, for fear the child should be injured. Thus, I believe, arises the curious custom of the Couvade" (Sir J. Lubbock, The Origin of Civilisation, p. 154).

XVII. (p. 52). "The child is no sooner born, washed, and placed in its bed of cotton, than the women go to work as if nothing had happened to them, and the husband begins to complain, as if his wife's sufferings had been transferred to him. He is tended with care; a bed is prepared for him in the upper part of the hut, where he is visited as a sick man, and is dieted in a manner which might cure the luxurious livers in France of gout and other maladies. After he has been thus dieted for forty days, the relations and nearest friends are invited to visit him, and before sitting down to feast they lacerate the poor wretch's skin with the teeth of the agouti, and draw blood from all parts of his body, so that from having fancied himself to be ill, he often becomes so in reality" (Du Tertre, vol. ii. p. 373). Spix and Martius, Puris and Coroados (vol. i. p. 381): "After a birth has taken place, man and wife are strictly dieted, and abstain for a given time from the flesh of certain animals; Marauhas (vol. iii. p. 1185): “After the birth, the mother washes the child in warm water, lies in a hammock for three weeks, and may, as well as her husband, only eat gruel of mandioc flour;" Passés (vol. iii. p. 1186): "The lying-in woman is kept in the dark for a month after delivery, and may only eat mandioc; this is also the case with the husband, who dyes himself black, and remains in the hammock

for the same period;" Araycus (vol. iii. p. 1190): The lying-in woman may only eat turtle and fish, not mammals, and the same diet is prescribed to her husband, until the infant can sit up;" Culinos (vol. iii. p. 1189): "While the lying-in woman is dieted, the husband eats absolutely nothing for the first five days;" Cauixanas (vol. iii. p. 1217): "They, like many other tribes, fast during the time that the wives are in childbed;" Mundrucus (vol. iii. p. 1339): "Like the Caribs and the ancient Tupis, the Mundrucu men are accustomed to spend several weeks in the hammock after the birth of a child, and to be nursed by its mother, and to receive neighbourly visits ; the child is ascribed to the father only, and the mother's part is compared to that of the soil which receives the seed." Venegas, in speaking of the Californians, says (vol. i. p. 82): "He in the meantime lay in his cave, or stretched at full length under a tree, affecting to be extremely weak and ill; and this farce continued for three or four days." Charlevoix says of the Guaranis (vol. i. p. 295): "As soon as a woman is brought to bed, her husband fasts rigorously for a fortnight, and does not hunt or associate with other men. These Indians are convinced that the child's life depends on the faithful conformity with this usage. Dobrizhoffer says of the Abipones (vol. ii. p. 275): "They comply with this custom with the greater care and readiness because they believe that the father's rest and abstinence have an extraordinary effect on the well-being of new-born infants, and is, indeed, absolutely necessary for them. For they are quite convinced that any unseemly act on the father's part would injuriously affect the child, on account of the sympathetic tie which naturally subsists between them, so that in the event of the child's death, the women all blame. the self-indulgence of the father, and find fault with this or that act."

XVIII. (p. 56). "A chief of more than ordinary ability arises and, subduing all his less powerful neighbours, founds a kingdom, which he governs more or less wisely till he dies. His successor not having the talents of the conqueror cannot retain the dominion, and some of the abler under-chiefs set up for themselves, and, in a few years, the remembrance only of the Empire remains. This, which may be considered as the normal state of African society, gives rise to frequent and desolating wars (D. Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi, p. 199).

XIX. (p. 57). "The different Bechuana tribes are named after certain animals, showing probably that in former times they were addicted to animal-worship, like the ancient Egyptians. The term Bakatla means they of the monkey;' Bakuena, 'they of the alligator;' Batlápi, 'they of the fish;' each tribe having a superstitious dread of the animal after which it is called. They also use the word 'bina,' to dance, in reference to the custom of thus naming themselves, so that, when you wish to ascertain what tribe they belong to, you say, 'What do you dance?' It would seem as if that had been a part of the wor