do hereby declare that said organization does not now, and never has believed in or advocated either destruction or violence as means of accomplishing industrial reform; first, because no principle was ever settled by such methods; second, because industrial history has taught us that when strikers resort to violence and unlawful methods all the resources of the government are immediately arrayed against them, and they lose their cause; third, because such methods destroy the constructive impulse which it is the purpose of this organization to foster and develop in order that the workers may fit themselves to „1 assume their place in the new society....

1. The New Solidarity, May 22, 1920.

Chapter IV

The One Big Union of Canada

It is necessary, in passing, to sketch hastily the One Big Union of Canada, a system unlike either the W. I. I. U. or I. W. W. This organization is too new and material too scanty and unofficial, to permit of adequate analysis.

The One Big Union (0. B. U.) was launched at a conference held in Calgary in June, 1919. At that time the Winnipeg general strike had been in effect for several weeks. Two members of the General Executive Board, Pritchard and Johns, were arrested for connection with the Winnipeg strike.

This secession movement appears to be a reaction of the rank and file against the leadership of International officers 1 and the A. F. of L. craft form of organization. At least the Secretary points out that the A. F. of L. helped the employers and the government break the strikes at Winnipeg and Vancouver, and in the coal-mining districts.2 The One Big Union, accord

ing to its own declaration of principles, "seeks to organize the worker, not according to craft, but according to industry; according to class and class needs. "3

Locally, all wage-workers are to be organized into un4 its corresponding to the industries in which they work, excepting that in places where there are only a few members in var5 ious industries they may form a mixed unit.

o. V. R. Midgley, Secretary of General Exec. Board, in circular letter.

1. Industrial Union News, Sept.,27,1919. Also The Voice of Labor, October 1, 1919.

2. V. R. Midgley, in circular letter.

3. Constitution, Preamble.

4. The Voice of Labor, Oct. 1, 1919.

5. Constitution.

The local industrial units are each represented on a Central Labor Council and a District Board, on the basis of membership. The Central Labor Council is apparently in

1

tended to provide for local solidarity in all industries in a given city or locality. Presumably the District Board would do the same throughout a much larger area.

2

The Central Labor councils and District Boards elect delegates to a convention which meets every six months. The convention, in turn, elects from those present a General Executive Board, "consisting of a Chairman, Secretary, and repre

sentatives of the various industries.

13

According to the W. I. I. U., "The 0. B. U. is NOT an industrial union. If it were, representation at conventions would be by industries, by industrial unions and departments, instead of by local central committees..... The 0. B. U. is an 4 organization of federated district boards and councils.

The W. I. I. U. points out that there is no provision for a National Industrial Union or Industrial Department, and charges the 0. B. U. with being only a federation "in which through Industrial Unionism is strangled at birth through the functions given to local councils, which while necessary, supplant in the 0. B. U. all further organization along in„5 dustrial lines. If we are to believe this critic, the

1. Ibid.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Industrial Union News, January 17, 1920. 5. Ibid, October 11, 1919.