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the Detroit wing adopted the present W. I. I. U. name and
Daniel De Leon was the first to work out a philo
sophy of industrial unionism.
The W. I. 1. U. is the ortho
dox embodiment of his principles, the I. W. W. merely a
The two differ in their conception of the
therefore in tactics - and in the
allocation of power within the industrial organization,
Instead of looking upon the political State as
the organized might of capitalism, the collective ex
pression of the tremendous power of the capitalists for
the coercion of the working class, the I. W. W. regard
the State as merely a tool of capitalism, an incidental
the State is a power worthy of a foeman's steel; they in
variably speak of it with due respect.
But I. W. W.'s
scorn it as the paid servant of capitalism.
There is no
I. W. W. "So poor to do it reverence."
Haywood voiced his opinion in these words:
"Morgan and his associates on Wall Street use the govern
ment at Washington as a tool to serve their ends.
rightly despise the President, the members of the Supreme
Court and Congress, for these politicians are far beneath
them in power and importance.
What laws Wall Street wants
1. One Big Union Monthly, August, 1919, p. 25.
In case of a strike, the governor of a state is
used to control the militia and crush the strike.
al and state judges issue injunctions, that is, they make
such new laws as the trusts want...... All the Democratic and
Republican officials, from dog-catcher to President, are but
1 the hired agents of the empire of industry." In the same way, the trusts control the schools, the press, the church,
2 and even theaters.
Why, then, should they honor the flag?
they say, "we have no country.
The flags and symbols that
once meant great things to us have been seized by our em
Today they mean naught to us but oppression and
Political government is to them only the flimsy mask
of capitalism, an illusion over which it is futile to waste
to accuse them of not fulfilling their part of the contract
which calls for the protection of the citizens and bringing
to justice of the criminals.
"Our fight is with the secret and invisible govern
ment which is to us neither secret nor invisible.
where that government is located, and we know of what per
sons it is composed.
Its capitol is in Wall Street, and
its officials are the defenders of the private ownership
of the means of production throughout the country.
1. Wm. D. Haywood and Frank Bohn, "Industrial Socialism," 38-9. 2. Ibid. 3. Grover H. Perry, "The Revolutionary I.W.W.,"
That government, we frankly confess, we intend to overthrow.
Their position is tersely stated by another writer as follows: "The I. W. W. recognizes but one enemy - capitalist ownership of industry. It has but one goal - workers'
sion of industry.
It takes but one road to reach that goal
unionism on the basis of industry.
We are on the solid ground
of Marxian science when we totally reject any other program of
We see in political government, as in every other so
cial institution, nothing but the reflex of the dominant
A reflex is a shadow, and the I. W. W. has
no time to fight shadows.
It would not lift a finger to upset
reform or participate in any political government.
ize in industry; we fight in industry, to achieve a revolution
Toward the existing State they maintain an attitude
of strict neutrality.
"We have no set political program,"
they explain, "but leave the individual to choose his own
However, let it be clearly understood
that we are neither anti-political nor pro-political.
are a labor union and in a sphere of activity that is extra (outside)-political.,3
To carry on propoganda either for or against political action would, they think, be equally useless. Individual members of the I. W. W. may engage in po
litical action if they wish.
In fact, Haywood himself was
1. The One Big Union Monthly, August, 1919, p. 7.