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before they are submitted to the proprietors. I

The General

Executive Board has authority to make such changes as it deems

advisable before such contracts are endorsed.

It is the duty

of the Joint Local Executive Board to take care that the con

tracts of the various branches of an industry shall be pre

sented to the employers for their signature in each industry

2 at the same time.

It is obligatory upon all unions to insert the arbi

3 tration clause in all contracts. Strikes are avoided as

4 much as possible.

If difficulties with employers cannot be adjusted by

the local union, they must be reported to the Joint Local Ex

ecutive Board.

If the Joint Local Executive Board fails to

adjust the matters in dispute, it must report the case to the

General sxecutive Board, which has full power to authorize

5 strikes or to terminate a strike, if deemed advisable. The

constitution contains this provision; "Local unions declar

ing a strike without the consent of the General Executive


Board can expect no support from the International Union.

Furthermore, "It is mandatory that, after tlie consent of the

General Executive Board for a strike has been obtained,


question be considered whether or not a strike shall be in

augurated, and à vote must be taken by ballot on the subject,

and it shall require a two-thirds majority of all members of

1. Ibid, 26. 2. Ibid. 31. 3. Ibid, 26. 4. Ibid, 45. 5. Ibid, 34. 6. Ibid, 46.

all local unions that will be involved in the strike to make


a strike legal..7

A general referendum vote may be ordered in any one

of three ways: (1) By a majority of delegates at the conven

tion, (2) By three-fourths of the members of the General Executive Boara, (3) Upon demand of a local union, provided such demand is supported by one-fourth of all local unions.


The Brewery workers are frankly class-conscious, and

revolutionary in spirit. Organized labor, they believe, will

finally succeed "in introducing a condition of things in which


each shall enjoy the full product of his toil.

In order

that the working class may "emancipate" itself, not only is

industrial organization necessary, but also "education and enlightenment, by word and pen" and "active participation in the political labor movement of the country, on independent labor class lines."4 Such independent politics of the work

ing class is represented, they say, in all modern countries

5 by the Socialist parties. "Therefore every honest union

man, if he understands his interests and the interests of his class,.. must be a Socialist. -6 the officers of the

orgunization," we are told, "never failed to impress the

members with the fact that it was their duty to join the

Socialist movement, to vote the Socialist ticket, and to learn to understand socialism.


1. Ibid. 47.
2. Ibid, 44-5.
3. Ibid, 14.
4. Ibid, 15.

5. Hernan Schluter, The Brewing Industry

and the Brewery workers' Movement in

America, 244 .
6. Ibid, 247.
7. Ibid, 247-8.

Chapter VII

The Trend of the Movement

This study of industrial unionism has been confined to

the United States, although the idea has been spreading faster abroad. In the United States and Cunada it is spreading with

great rapidity. The W. I. I. U., dating back to 1905, has only about

1 5,000 inembers enrolled, but it is setting the thinking pace in industrial unionism. Even the genius of Soviet Russia,

Nicolai Lenin, acknowledged a debt to De Leon when he said,

in an interview with Robert Minor: "The American Daniel De Leon

first formulated the idea of a Soviet government, which grew

up in Russia on his idea.

Future society will be organized

along Soviet lines.

There will be Soviet rather than geo

graphical boundaries for nations. Industrial unionism is the basic state. That is what we are building.'


The I. W. W., whose philosophy Hoxie called essentially a "doctrine of despair", has, under the goad of persecution, come to number 100,000 duerpaying members. The Hotel Workers'


Federation rebelled against the m. H. of L. less than four

years ago; from a few hundred members in January, 1917, it

grew to 1,000 in the spring of that year, to 15,000 in Octo

4 ber, 1919, and to 20,000 in March, 1920. The One Big Union


issued 30,000 membership cards in the first four months of

1. Statement of Gen. Sec.-Treas, in letter, March 11, 1920.
2. The New York orld, February 4, 1919.
3. Statement at headquarters, October, 1919.
4. The Hotel Worker, October 15, 1919.
5. Ibid, March 15, 1920.

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