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II.

Claudian verifies the fact, that the legion quitted the wall soon after the successes of Stilicho, and diffuses a ray of light, which determines the chronology of the incident.

We have mentioned the pacification which Alaric extorted from the eastern government: it might seem to them a release from anxiety; it was made by Alaric an interval of earnest preparation for more fortunate warfare. He surveyed the state of the world with the eyes of prophetic penetration, and discerned the vulnerable part in which the genius of Rome might be fatally assailed. About the year 400, he suddenly marched from his eastern settlements to the Julian Alps, and poured his forces into Italy. The emperor of the West fled at his approach, when Stilicho again interposed the shield of superior talents. To meet the destructive Goths with a competent force, he summoned the Roman troops out of Germany and Gaul into Italy: even the legion which had been stationed to guard the wall of Britain against the Caledonians was hastily recalled, and attended the imperial general at Milan.35 In the battle of Pollentia Alaric discovered the inferiority of his troops, and made a bold but ruinous retreat. 36

The battle of Pollentia was fought in March, 403. We must allow time for the troops to have travelled from the north of Britain to Milan, and may date this departure of the Roman legion in the year 402. No one can disbelieve that in their absence the habitual depredators would return.

Gildas proceeds to inform us that embassadors went

able: "Rabid robber wolves, with profound hunger and dry jaws, leaping into the sheep-fold," are the invaders who are brought over by "the wings of oars, and the arms of rowers, and sails swelling in the wind.”

35 Claudian, in his poem de Bello Getico, p. 169. : —

Venit et extremis legio prætenta Britannis,
Quæ Scoto dat fræna truci, ferroque notatas
Perlegit exangues Picto moriente figuras.

36 Gibbon, iii. 147-155.

VII.

to Rome with rent garments, and with ashes on their CHAP. heads, to implore further aid. 37 However we may be inclined to ascribe the costume of the embassy to the imagination of the author, we cannot dispute the probable fact, that the province solicited and obtained the protection of its sovereign.

We have no direct evidence from the imperial writers that Stilicho sent back the legion, after the battle of Pollentia, into Britain, but it must have been there before 406, because we read of soldiers then choosing and deposing emperors in the island. Their presence must have been attended with its usual effect on the Picts and Scots, 38

Before we state the next sentence of Gildas, it will be proper to narrate the incidents, which, as he does not notice, though of principal importance, we may presume he never knew: they occurred between this last defeat of the Picts and Scots, and the final departure of the Romans.

The unwearied genius of Claudian has resounded the praise of Stilicho in poetry, which, though sometimes defective in taste, yet has too much energy and felicity to perish. The acts which the general achieved, justify his bard, and raise the minister above his degenerate countrymen. But it may be said of human virtue, as Solon pronounced.to Croesus of human happiness, that we should wait until the life is closed, before we pronounce decisively upon it. Stilicho for a while was the saviour of the Roman empire; he ended his career its most destructive scourge. He excited invasions, which he wished to have the merit of repressing; he introduced the barbarian hordes into the provinces, who quitted them no more; he occasioned rebellions which completed the debility of the

37 Gildas, s. 14.

For the origin and history of these two nations, the reader may usefully consult Mr. Pinkerton's Inquiry into the early history of Scotland.

BOOK
II.

Desolation of Gaul.

imperial government; and paved the way for the extinction of the western empire.

When Alaric menaced Italy, Stilicho drove off the tempest; but he wanted to have his son invested with the imperial dignity, and he hoped to extort the concession from the trembling Honorius, by the terror of impending evils. To effect this, he excited the German nations to invade Gaul.39 Fatal contrivance of unprincipled ambition! 40 A most formidable irruption of the tribes between the Rhine and Danube, Alani, Suevi, Vandali, and many others, burst over the mountains, and deluged the western world. A portion of these, under Radagaisus, perished before Stilicho in Italy 41, and furnished him with the laurels he coveted. The remainder crossed the Rhine, which, if the charge of treason be true, was purposely divested of its protecting troops, and overwhelmed Gaul and its vicinity. "The consuming flames of war spread

39 Orosius, lib. vii. c. 38. and c. 40.; and from him Isidorus, Wandal. Grotius,
p. 732. expressly affirm the treason. Jerom. Ep. ad Ager, exclaims against the
semi-barbarian traitor, who armed, against his adopted country, its worst enemies.
Prosper says, that saluti imperatoris tendebat insidias, p. 50. — Marcellinus more
explicitly says of him, "Spreto Honorio, regnumque ejus inhians, Alanorum, Sue-
vorum, Wandalorumque gentes donis pecuniisque illectas contra regnum Honorii
excitavit, Eucherium filium suum paganum, et adversum Christianos insidias
molientem, cupiens Cæsarem ordinare." Chron. p. 37. added to Scaliger's Euseb.
If these authors are not sufficient to make the imputation credible, the point seems
to be decided by the evidence of a contemporary, who, being a pagan, gives more
weight to an opinion, in which he and the Christians coincide; I mean Rutilius,
whom Gibbon does not mention; he says,

Quo magis est facinus diri Stilichonis acerbum,
Proditor arcani quod fuit imperii.

Romano generi dum nititur esse superstes,

Crudelis summis miscuit ima furor:

Dumque timet, quidquid se fecerat ipse timeri,

Immisit Latiæ barbara tela neci.

Visceribus nudis armatum condidit hostem,

Illatæ cladis liberiore dolo.

Ipsa satellitibus pellitis Roma patebat,

Et captiva prius, quam caperetur, erat.

Itinerarium, lib. ii. v. 41-50.

40 Gibbon attempts to defend Stilicho, but the weight of evidence must prevail. Du Bos, p. 190., accredits his guilt. How fatal the scheme was to Rome, we may judge, when we recollect, that "le dernier Décembre, 406, fut la journée funeste où les barbares entrerent dans les Gaules, pour n'en plus sortir." Du Bos, 194.

41 For the expedition of Radagaisus, see Gibbon, iii. 163-173., and Mascou, 404-411.

VII.

from the banks of the Rhine over the greatest part of CHAP. the seventeen provinces of Gaul; that rich and extensive country, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to the barbarians, who drove before them in a promiscuous crowd, the bishop, the senator, and the virgin, laden with the spoils of their houses and altars." 42

406.

the troops

Constantine

This disaster spread consternation through Britain. Inflamed with their success, the invaders menaced Revolt of this island. It is expressly asserted by Zosimus, that in Britain. their devastations alarmed the army in Britain. Ap- chosen. prehensive of their further progress, and to exert an energy adequate to the crisis, the troops created an emperor for themselves. One Marcus was their first choice finding his counsels or his conduct insufficient for the exigency, they destroyed him, and elected Gratian, who is mentioned with the title of Municeps, in his room. Within four months afterwards he was murdered, and, induced by the flattering name, the British soldiery selected one Constantine from the ranks, and decorated him with the imperial garments.43 Constantine seems not to have been unworthy of Constantine his station; he passed out of Britain into Gaul, Britain. stayed a short time at Boulogne, conciliated to his 406. interest the soldiers scattered upon the continent, and defeated the terrible barbarians. 45

leaves

The authority of Constantine was acknowledged in 406–411. Gaul, and he reduced Spain. His son Constans laid aside the cowl of a monk, which, previous to his father's elevation, he had assumed 46, and was created Cæsar. Honorius, to whom Constantine had respectfully stated, that his dignity had been forced upon

42 Gibbon, iii. 171.

43 Zosimus, lib. vi. p. 373. and 371. Orosius, vii. 40.

44 Zosimus, ibid.

45 Marcellin. Com. p. 38. Orosius. vii. 40. Jornandes, c. 32.

46 Yet Frigeridus, cited by Gregory of Tours, characterises him as gulæ et ventri deditus, lib. i. c. 9. p. 35.

BOOK

II.

Aug. 24. 410.

him, appeared to acquiesce in his retaining it, and sent him the imperial robes. 47 The barbarians obtained reinforcements, but Constantine adopted the precautionary measure of placing troops to guard the passages into Gaul. 48

During this division of the imperial power, Alaric again assembled a willing army, and appeared on the Roman frontier. The guilt of Stilicho had been detected and punished, and his death removed the last bulwark of the empire. The court of Honorius could furnish no other mind competent to confront the Gothic conqueror. In 408, he overwhelmed resistance, and besieged Rome. A ransom obtained a short security, but determined his superiority. In the next year he assailed it again, and condescended to accept from an emperor of his own nomination the title of master-general. Every doubt was now removed; he saw his irresistible power, and the succeeding summer was marked by the dismal catastrophe of a third siege and successful assault 49, whose ferocious cruelties we might notice with abhorrence, but that the generals of civilised ages choose yet to perpetrate such deeds in violation of all moral principle or social benevolence, and in wilful contempt of the inevitable opinion of posterity!

Among the officers attached to the interest of Constantine was Gerontius, who had proceeded from Britain. The valour and services of this person on former occasions are stated by the historians; but, offended that Constans returned to Spain, on his second visit, with another as his general, the slighted Gerontius abandoned the interests of the emperor he had supported, and elevated a friend to dethrone him. 50 He pursued his new purpose with a fatal

47 Zosim. lib. v. p. 359.

49 Gibbon, iii. 24-1244.

48 Zosim. p. 374.
50 Zosim. 371. 373-375.

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