THE CAFFRE WAR IS NOT YET CLOSED, nor does it seem likely to be so for some time to come. Having adverted to this subject elsewhere, we need not further enlarge here than to urge on our readers the necessity for prompt and vigorous effort, to compel the Government to put an end to one of the most iniquitous and unproductive contests ever waged. If the matter be left to the Colonial Minister, and the Governor of the Cape, disaffection will spread-tribe after tribe will join our assailants-an immense military expenditure will be incurred -devastation and carnage will be spread over the colony-the foundations of our power in South Africa will be overthrown; and when at length our vast resources have availed to extinguish revolt, we shall have a desert around us, a colonial population estranged from our rule, and the muttered curses of those remnants of the aboriginal tribes which have escaped our arms. And for what do we hazard all this? Let common sense and honesty reply. Sir Harry Smith now urgently calls for reinforcements. It was but the other day, and the struggle was to be terminated by an attack on the Amatola Mountains. Ten thousand additional troops are now called for; and the Governor is right, if the contest is to be terminated by the sword. This much I predict with certainty,' says Sir Andries Strockenstrom, and we agree with him, you must go on exterminating, or you must restore the power of the chiefs.' Are we prepared for the former alternative? We say, emphatically, No! The blood already shed cries to heaven against Murder has been perpetrated on a wholesale scale; and not another soldier should be sent to the magniloquent and unstatesmanlike governor. Our only hope is in the immediate return of Sir Andries Strockenstrom. He has saved the colony once-let him have the opportunity of doing so again. Every day, nay, every hour is precious. His return may already be too late, and not another instant should be lost in investing him with full power for so delicate and trying a mission. If the Premier permits the obstinacy of the Colonial Minister to frustrate so hopeful a scheme, the nation will clearly understand that imperial are sacrificed to party interests, and will regard with stronger detestation than ever the family cliqueship which forms the weakness and opprobrium of the Whigs. The retirement of the Under-Colonial Secretary at this moment awakens inquiry, but indicates, we fear, no change of policy.

us.

WE ARE DEEPLY CONCERNED, AT SUCH A CRISIS, to report the decease of Dr. Philip. This event occurred on the 27th of August, and has left a vacancy which will scarcely be supplied in our day. The loss of two such men as Dr. Philip and Mr. Freeman would be severely felt at any time, but their knowledge and counsel are doubly needed just now. They have ceased, however, from their labor. The Master whom they served has called them away, and we must endeavor, by increased exertions, to supply their place. For thirty years. Dr. Philip was superintendent of the London Missionary Society's stations in South Africa, and retired from this post only about two years since, on account of age and infirmities. He was mainly concerned, at a former period, in dragging to light the enormities of our South African administration. With this view he came to England,

and was speedily beset by members of the Whig party, then in opposition, who offered to undertake his case in Parliament. It is impossible to speak too highly of the wisdom and firmness with which he acted at that trying period. He saw the hollowness of the zeal professed, resolved to retain in his own hands the cause he had undertaken, refused to involve himself in the meshes of party, and placed his trust in the justice aud humanity of the British people. His 'Researches in South Africa' produced a marvellous impression. The nation responded to his appeal, it was gratified by his confidence, and sent him back, the herald of glad tidings to the calumniated and oppressed. On his subsequent visit to England, we had frequent opportunities of personal intercourse, which led to a high estimate of his sound judgment, unswerving fidelity, and intense hostility to what he deemed mean, temporizing, or assumptive. His opinions were freely expressed in the confidence of friendship. He had felt some things deeply, and his self-respect and large-heartedness were offended at them. We shall never forget the solemn charge he gave us at parting. May we be able, in a better world, to show him that that charge has not been forgotten or unproductive. There are few men, with whom we have been thrown into personal intercourse, whose memory we hold in higher veneration.

FRENCH POLITICS ARE A PERFECT RIDDLE-at least, they possess all its uncertainty without its power to amuse. Louis Napoleon is evidently prepared, at any cost, or by any sacrifice of principle, to secure an extension of his lease of power. Elected President by universal suffrage, he soon began to coquet with the self-styled friends of order. A common interest had united various parties in his support. They cared nothing about him, and in many cases were thoroughly hostile to the polity of which he was the nominal head. Few French politicians, however, trouble themselves about principles, and they were, therefore, ready, through guile or through fear, to assume the garb of Republicanism, and to give to Louis Napoleon their temporary support. The effect of this was visible in the Roman expedition, and in the retrograde policy steadily pursued. Raised to office by the voice of the people, the President soon sacrificed them for the friendship of others. The law of the 31st of May was the price paid, and we know of no evidence to show that it was grudgingly or even reluctantly yielded. By this law the constituency was reduced more than two millions, and the Government press has panegyrized it as the safety of the State. So long as there was hope of retaining the support of the more wealthy and higher classes, this law was not only wise, but was absolutely needful; but now that such support cannot be relied on, the President turns shamelessly round, and calls for the repeal of the law. Last year, he sacrificed the people to their political opponents; and now, for a purely selfish end, he denounces the policy of those opponents, and calls for the restitution of that franchise which he had not scrupled to wrest from the people. Should France accredit him in this matter, it will sink to a lower depth than has yet been attained. The repeal of the law of May the 31st may be perfectly right, but the motive of Louis Napoleon, the complexion and aim of his policy, cannot be misunderstood. Any

THE CAFFRE WAR IS NOT YET CLOSED, nor does it seem likely to be so for some time to come. Having adverted to this subject elsewhere, we need not further enlarge here than to urge on our readers the necessity for prompt and vigorous effort, to compel the Government to put an end to one of the most iniquitous and unproductive contests ever waged. If the matter be left to the Colonial Minister, and the Governor of the Cape, disaffection will spread-tribe after tribe will join our assailants-an immense military expenditure will be incurred -devastation and carnage will be spread over the colony-the foundations of our power in South Africa will be overthrown; and when at length our vast resources have availed to extinguish revolt, we shail have a desert around us, a colonial population estranged from our rule, and the muttered curses of those remnants of the aboriginal tribes which have escaped our arms. And for what do we hazard ail this? Let common sense and honesty reply. Sir Harry Smith now urgently calls for reinforcements. It was but the other day, and the struggle was to be terminated by an attack on the Amatola Mountains. Ten thousand additional troops are now called for; and the Governor is right, if the contest is to be terminated by the sword. This much

us.

I predict with certainty,' says Sir Andries Strockenstrom, and we agree with him, you must go on exterminating, or you must restore the power of the chiefs.' Are we prepared for the former alternative? We say, emphatically, No! The blood already shed cries to heaven agains Murder has been perpetrated on a wholesale scale; and not another soldier should be sent to the magniloquent and unstatesmanlike governor. Our only hope is in the immediate return of Sa Andries Strockenstrom. He has saved the colony once-let him have the opportunity of doing so again. Every day, nay, every hour is precious. His return may already be too late, and not another instant should be lost in investing him with full power for so delicate and trying a mission. If the Premier permits the obstinacy of the Colonial Minister to frustrate so hopeful a scheme, the nation will clearly understand that imperial are sacrificed to party interests, and will regard with stronger detestation than ever the family cliqueship which forms the weakness and opprobrium of the Whigs. The retirement of the Under-Colonial Secretary at this moment awakens inquiry, but indicates, we fear, no change of policy.

WE ARE DEEPLY CONCERNED, AT SUCH A CRISIS, to report the decease of Dr. Philip. This event occurred on the 27th of Angust, and has left a vacancy which will scarcely be supplied in our day. The loss of two such men as Dr. Philip and Mr. Freeman would be severely felt at any time, but their knowledge and counsel are doubly needed just now. They have ceased, however, from their labor. The Master whom they served has called them away, and we must eadeavor, by increased exertions, to supply their place. For thirty years Dr. Philip was superintendent of the London Missionary Society's stations in South Africa, and retired from this post only about two years since, on account of age and infirmities. He was mainly com. cerned, at a former period, in dragging to light the enormities of our South African administration. With this view he came to England.

and was speedily beset by members of the Whig party, then in opposition, who offered to undertake his case in Parliament. It is impossible to speak too highly of the wisdom and firmness with which he acted at that trying period. He saw the hollowness of the zeal professed, resolved to retain in his own hands the cause he had undertaken, refused to involve himself in the meshes of party, and placed his trust in the justice aud humanity of the British people. His Researches in South Africa' produced a marvellous impression. The nation responded to his appeal, it was gratified by his confidence, and sent him back, the herald of glad tidings to the calumniated and oppressed. On his subsequent visit to England, we had frequent opportunities of personal intercourse, which led to a high estimate of his sound judgment, unswerving fidelity, and intense hostility to what he deemed mean, temporizing, or assumptive. His opinions were freely expressed in the confidence of friendship. He had felt some things deeply, and his self-respect and large-heartedness were offended at them. We shall never forget the solemn charge he gave us at parting. May we be able, in a better world, to show him that that charge has not been forgotten or unproductive. There are few men, with whom we have been thrown into personal intercourse, whose memory we hold in higher veneration.

FRENCH POLITICS ARE A PERFECT RIDDLE-at least, they possess all its uncertainty without its power to amuse. Louis Napoleon is evidently prepared, at any cost, or by any sacrifice of principle, to secure an extension of his lease of power. Elected President by universal suffrage, he soon began to coquet with the self-styled friends of order. A common interest had united various parties in his support. They cared nothing about him, and in many cases were thoroughly hostile to the polity of which he was the nominal head. Few French politicians, however, trouble themselves about principles, and they were, therefore, ready, through guile or through fear, to assume the garb of Republicanism, and to give to Louis Napoleon their temporary support. The effect of this was visible in the Roman expedition, and in the retrograde policy steadily pursued. Raised to office by the voice of the people, the President soon sacrificed them for the friendship of others. The law of the 31st of May was the price paid, and we know of no evidence to show that it was grudgingly or even reluctantly yielded. By this law the constituency was reduced more than two millions, and the Government press has panegyrized it as the safety of the State. So long as there was hope of retaining the support of the more wealthy and higher classes, this law was not only wise, but was absolutely needful; but now that such support cannot be relied on, the President turns shamelessly round, and calls for the repeal of the law. Last year, he sacrificed the people to their political opponents; and now, for a purely selfish end, he denounces the policy of those opponents, and calls for the restitution of that franchise which he had not scrupled to wrest from the people. Should France accredit him in this matter, it will sink to a lower depth than has yet been attained. The repeal of the law of May the 31st may be perfectly right, but the motive of Louis Napoleon, the complexion and aim of his policy, cannot be misunderstood. Any

This much

THE CAFFRE WAR IS NOT YET CLOSED, nor does it seem likely to be so for some time to come. Having adverted to this subject elsewhere, we need not further enlarge here than to urge on our readers the necessity for prompt and vigorous effort, to compel the Government to put an end to one of the most iniquitous and unproductive contests ever waged. If the matter be left to the Colonial Minister, and the Governor of the Cape, disaffection will spread-tribe after tribe will join our assailants-an immense military expenditure will be incurred -devastation and carnage will be spread over the colony-the foundations of our power in South Africa will be overthrown; and when at length our vast resources have availed to extinguish revolt, we shall have a desert around us, a colonial population estranged from our rule, and the muttered curses of those remnants of the aboriginal tribes which have escaped our arms. And for what do we hazard all this? Let common sense and honesty reply. Sir Harry Smith now urgently calls for reinforcements. It was but the other day, and the struggle was to be terminated by an attack on the Amatola Mountains. Ten thousand additional troops are now called for; and the Governor is right, if the contest is to be terminated by the sword. I predict with certainty,' says Sir Andries Strockenstrom, and we agree with him, you must go on exterminating, or you must restore the power of the chiefs.' Are we prepared for the former alternative? We say, emphatically, No! The blood already shed cries to heaven against Murder has been perpetrated on a wholesale scale; and not another soldier should be sent to the magniloquent and unstatesmanlike governor. Our only hope is in the immediate return of Sir Andries Strockenstrom. He has saved the colony once-let him have the opportunity of doing so again. Every day, nay, every hour is precious. His return may already be too late, and not another instant should be lost in investing him with full power for so delicate and trying a mission. If the Premier permits the obstinacy of the Colonial Minister to frustrate so hopeful a scheme, the nation will clearly understand that imperial are sacrificed to party interests, and will regard with stronger detestation than ever the family cliqueship which forms the weakness and opprobrium of the Whigs. The retirement of the Under-Colonial Secretary at this moment awakens inquiry, but indicates, we fear, no change of policy.

us.

WE ARE DEEPLY CONCERNED, AT SUCH A CRISIS, to report the decease of Dr. Philip. This event occurred on the 27th of August, and has left a vacancy which will scarcely be supplied in our day. The loss of two such men as Dr. Philip and Mr. Freeman would be severely felt at any time, but their knowledge and counsel are doubly needed just now. They have ceased, however, from their labor. The Master whom they served has called them away, and we must endeavor, by increased exertions, to supply their place. For thirty years Dr. Philip was superintendent of the London Missionary Society's stations in South Africa, and retired from this post only about two years since, on account of age and infirmities. He was mainly concerned, at a former period, in dragging to light the enormities of our South African administration. With this view he came to England,