HE kingdom now resounded with the complaints of the papists and malcontents, who taxed the ministry with subornation of perjury, in the case of the Lancashire gentlemen who had been prosecuted for the conspiracy. One Lunt, an Irishman, had informed sir John Trenchard, secretary of state, that he had been sent from Ireland with commissions from king James to divers gentlemen in Lancashire and Cheshire: that he had assisted in buying arms and enlisting men to serve that king in his projected invasion of England: that he had been twice despatched by those gentlemen to the court of St. Germains, assisted many jacobites in repairing to France, helped to conceal others that came from that kingdom; and that all those persons told him they were furnished with money by sir John Friend to defray the expense of their expeditions. His testimony was confirmed by other infamous emissaries, who received but too much countenance from the government. Blank warrants were issued, and filled up occasionally with such names as the informers suggested. These were delivered to Aaron

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Smith, solicitor to the treasury, who, with messengers,
accompanied Lunt and his associates to Lancashire, under
the protection of a party of Dutch horse guards, com-
manded by one captain Baker. They were empowered
to break open houses, seize papers, and apprehend per-
sons, according to their pleasure; and they committed
many acts of violence and oppression.
The persons
against whom these measures were taken, being apprised
of the impending danger, generally retired from their own
habitations. Some, however, were taken and imprisoned;
a few arms were secured; and, in the house of Mr. Stan-
dish, at Standish-hall, they found the draft of a declara-
tion to be published by king James at his landing. As
this prosecution seemed calculated to revive the horror of
a stale conspiracy, and the evidences were persons of
abandoned characters, the friends of those who were per-
secuted found no great difficulty in rendering the scheme
odious to the nation. They even employed the pen of
Ferguson, who had been concerned in every plot that was
hatched since the Rye-house conspiracy. This veteran,
though appointed housekeeper to the excise office, thought
himself poorly recompensed for the part he had acted in
the revolution, became dissatisfied, and upon this occasion
published a letter to sir John Trenchard on the abuse of
power. It was replete with the most bitter invectives.
against the ministry, and contained a great number of
flagrant instances in which the court had countenanced
the vilest corruption, perfidy, and oppression. This pro-
duction was in every body's hand; and had such an effect
upon the people, that when the prisoners were brought
to trial at Manchester, the populace would have put the
witnesses to death, had they not been prevented by the
interposition of those who were friends to the accused
persons, and had already taken effectual measures for
their safety. Lunt's chief associate in the mystery of in-
formation was one Taaffe, a wretch of the most profligate
principles, who, finding himself disappointed in his hope
of reward from the ministry, was privately gained over by
the agents for the prisoners. Lunt, when desired in court

to point out the persons whom he had accused, committed
such a mistake as greatly invalidated his testimony; and
Taaffe declared before the bench, that the pretended plot
was no other than a contrivance between himself and
Lunt, in order to procure money from the government.
The prisoners were immediately acquitted; and the mini-
stry incurred a heavy load of popular odium, as the au-
thors or abettors of knavish contrivances to ensnare the
innocent. The government, with a view to evince their
abhorrence of such practices, ordered the witnesses to be
prosecuted for a conspiracy against the lives and estates
of the gentlemen who had been accused; and at last the
affair was brought into the house of commons. The
jacobites triumphed in their victory. They even turned
the battery of corruption upon the evidence for the crown,
not without making a considerable impression. But the
cause was now debated before judges who were not at all
propitious to their views. The commons having set on
foot an inquiry, and examined all the papers and circum-
stances relating to the pretended plot, resolved, that there
was sufficient ground for the prosecution and trial of the
gentlemen at Manchester; and that there was a dangerous
conspiracy against the king and government. They issued
an order for taking Mr. Standish into custody; and the
messenger reporting that he was not to be found, they
presented an address to the king, desiring a proclamation
might be published, offering a reward for apprehending
his person.
The peers concurred with the commons in
their sentiments of this affair; for complaints having been
laid before their house also by the persons who thought
themselves aggrieved, the question was put, whether the
government had cause to prosecute them; and carried in
the affirmative; though a protest was entered against this
vote by the earls of Rochester and Nottingham. Not-
withstanding these decisions, the accused gentlemen pro-
secuted Lunt and two of his accomplices for perjury at
the Lancaster assizes; and all three were found guilty.
They were immediately indicted by the crown, for a con-
spiracy against the lives and liberties of the persons they

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had accused. The intention of the ministry, in laying this indictment, was to seize the opportunity of punishing some of the witnesses for the gentlemen, who had prevaricated in giving their testimony; but the design being discovered, the Lancashire men refused to produce their evidence against the informers: the prosecution dropped, of consequence, and the prisoners were discharged.

II. When the commons were employed in examining the state of the revenue, and taking measures for raising the necessary supplies, the inhabitants of Royston presented a petition, complaining, that the officers and soldiers of the regiment belonging to colonel Hastings, which was quartered upon them, exacted subsistence money, even on pain of military execution. The house was immediately kindled into a flame by this information. The officers, and Pauncefort, agent for the regiment, were examined then it was unanimously resolved, that such a practice was arbitrary, illegal, and a violation of the rights and liberties of the subject. Upon further inquiry, Pauncefort and some other agents were committed to the custody of the serjeant, for having neglected to pay the subsistence money they had received for the officers and soldiers. He was afterwards sent to the Tower, together with Henry Guy, a member of the house, and secretary to the treasury; the one for giving, and the other for receiving, a bribe to obtain the king's bounty. Pauncefort's brother was likewise committed, for being concerned in the same commerce. Guy had been employed, together with Trevor the speaker, as the court agent for securing a majority in the house of commons: for that reason he was obnoxious to the members in the opposition, who took this opportunity to brand him; and the courtiers could not with any decency screen him from their vengeance. The house having proceeded in this inquiry, drew up an address to the king, enumerating the abuses which had crept into the army, and demanding immediate redress. He promised to consider the remonstrance, and redress the grievances of which they complained. Accordingly, he cashiered colonel Hastings; appointed a council of