danger that must result to Europe from such a policy, and the peril of attempting the invasion of that country. His lordship then alluded to the state of Ireland, and the efforts made for its amelioration; adverted to the agricultural distresses; and after going over the different points of the speech, concluded his observations by congratulating the House on the internal happiness and prosperity of the country. The Earl of Mayo seconded the address. Earl Stanhope then rose, and after lamenting that there seemed no intention on the part of government to administer relief to the agriculturists, moved, that the House "views with the deep est regret and anxiety, the severe and unexampled distress which now afflicts the country, and will immediately proceed to enquire into and examine its causes; also the results which have arisen from altering the value of the currency; and the means of administering speedy and effectual relief." The Marquis of Lansdown thought it desirable that the address should be unanimously carried. Though the distress of the country was great, there was a crisis impending on the Continent, which ought to fix their lordships' at tention almost to the exclusion of every other subject. The Marquis then animadverted upon the conduct of the continental governments-alluded to the question of the currency, and concluded by supporting the address. Lord Liverpool stated, that government viewed the question of Spain as one purely Spanish, and not mixed up with any other. That its constitution had been adopted by Spain, and acknowledged by Great Britain, when war raged in that country. If it wanted correction, the monarch had the power of correcting it when he first accepted it. The Spaniards did not wish to interfere with other countries, they disclaimed it. Such being facts, there was no doubt as to the policy which this country ought to pursue. In case of war, which he dreaded as affecting Spain, he dreaded it still more as affecting France. There was no one who did not feel that the policy of this country was to preserve neutrality; but he still considered that the door of reconciliation was not closed. But if a war were at last necessary, and the people called for it, the country was prepared

to meet it. He still, however, hoped for an adjustment. Lord Ellenborough thought the representations made by our representative at Verona, ought to have been backed by the representations of the people at large. Why was not Parliament sooner assembled, and thus a distinct declaration obtained in favour of our policy? The House divided: for Lord Stanhope's amendment 3-against it, 62-majority 59. The House then adjourned until Friday the 7th; when Lord Ellenborough obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the new Marriage Act.-On the 10th, this bill was read a first time.-On the 11th, a petition was presented for an amendment of the Insolvent Debtors' Act, and the house adjourned to the 13th: when Lords Colchester and Holland presented petitions, the one against the Marriage Act amendment bill, and the other from some traders of Nottingham against the Insolvent Debtors' bill.On the 14th, some unimportant business was transacted, and the House adjourned to the 17th; when a committee was appointed, on the motion of Lord Stowell, to consider the state of the law relative to marriage, and report upon the same. On the 18th, it was agreed, that no petitions on private bills should be received after the 24th inst., nor reports from the judges on such after the 22nd of April.-On the 19th, several petitions were presented, and appeals heard; and the Archbishop of Canterbury brought in a bill to render valid marriages which had been solemnized in contravention, through ignorance, of the New Marriage Act passed the last session.

House of Commons.-The House having heard the Royal Speech read, Mr. Childe moved the address. He rejoiced that the speech of his Majesty contained so satisfactory a declaration of those principles which admitted the right of self-government on the part of other nations. He could not forbear expressing his opinion, that the inter'ference against Spain would be most disgraceful to this country, were she to become in any degree a party to it. It was not for him to discuss in that place the nature of the Spanish constitution; it was for the Spaniards themselves to examine that constitutionbut he believed that there existed in Spain the power of maintaining its

liberties, unless put down by the pressure of external force. He saw nothing that could possibly justify the threatened interference of France, of Austria, or of Russia. He congratulated the House on the reduction of the public expenditure, and the increasing state of the revenue. Agriculture alone was still most grievously distressed. Notwithstanding the difficulties of their situation, he yet hoped for better times for the agriculturists: he looked forward to an equalization of the growth of produce, and of the consumption of the country, by which means the agriculturists would derive that fair profit, which every member, as well on private as on public grounds, would wish to see them receive. Mr. Wildman seconded the motion. Sir J. Yorke said, all were bound on that occasion to express their feelings, not only of the impolicy but the injustice of invading Spain. A more outrageous act of violence could not be committed-never was committed. That noble people had placed the Bourbons upon the throne, and had preserved his own throne for Ferdinand, when he basely truckled to the usurper of it at Bayonne. Could we see such an act with indifference? Could we be so stupid as not to discover that after the first blood shed upon the Bidassoa it would be impossible we could remain neuter? It was the duty of every man to strengthen the interposition of the government to prevent a war, and not to remain neuter. Mr. Brougham rose, and in a most eloquent speech exposed the principles of the Holy Alliance, and the grovelling hypocrisy and canting by which its practices had been accompanied. He praised the sound and liberal views which ministers had adopted. The course they had taken would be hailed with joy and exultation throughout all England. He hoped we should pass through the crisis without war, but no one could expect that would be our good fortune. He alluded to the ebullition of feeling displayed at the Norfolk meeting as arising from distress and error, which he should feel a disposition to overlook, considering the state of agricultural distress. He hoped that ministers had not used such language at Verona, as pledged them to a neutral course under all circumstances. We were

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pledged to support Portugal, and if hostilities commenced in Spain, we should be dragged into a war. He characterised the extravagance and monstrous nature of the Declarations of the Holy Alliance in due terms. The Emperor of Russia had, in 1812, concluded a treaty with the Cortes, and acknowledged the present constitution in every iota. The three powers spoke but one language to all Europe; "We have hundreds of thousands of armed mercenaries, and we will not stoop to reason on points of law or of equity with those nations or individuals, who may not act or think in that way which we consider most consistent with our policy." And he could not but admire the unparalleled frankness with which the Spaniards had met that declaration. It was, indeed, as frank and plain as it was accordant with the best feelings of men. It was this-" We have millions of freemen, and we will not stoop to the dictation of tyrants." The Prussian king should give his subjects the constitution he promised them ere he invaded Spain. Austria, before she was generous to Ferdinand, should be just to George, and pay the 20,000,000 he had borrowed of England. Even Alexauder might be asked why he was so very sensitive at the sight of blood in a palace. No doubt he was pure himself and all his agents, but it was known that his father had been slaughtered and dethroned. God forbid it should be imputed to his immediate ancestors; to the fathers or mothers, sisters or brothers, or uncles or aunts of the victim!-but such things had been done. Louis of France had even gone beyond the manifestoes of the Junto. It was not the countries that were the objects of hatred among them, but freedom, the power of which they dreaded-the spirit of which they detested. He thought we ought to send out a naval armament of observation in case of war commencing, and that free states alone can be our safe allies; and concluded by supporting the address. Sir F. Burdett would not say a word to disturb the unanimity of the House. He trusted they would not only have an unanimous vote, but also, what had not appeared for a long time, an unanimous detestation of the unwarranted interference of tyranny, and a love of the best interests of mankind. Mr. Peel

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said, that the interests of Europe demanded a general peace; but that if it were impossible for the rest of Europe, it was necessary for this country to maintain a strict neutrality. He regretted Mr. Brougham's observations upon the members of the Holy Alliance -the allies of this country. Russia, in particular, had been distinguished for her forbearance in respect to Turkey. The conduct of Austria in taking possession of Naples was fully justifiable to prevent the danger with which her own dominions were threatened. Our conduct in respect to Naples and Spain was perfectly consistent, and the same principles regulated our policy in both cases. The Hon. Gentleman then gave notice of the intention of Mr. Robinson to enter, at an early period, into a general explanation of the state of the affairs of the country, and lay before the House details of a plan of retrenchment and economy. To the increasing prosperity of the manufacturing and commercial interests only could the relief of agriculture be looked for. Sir J. Mackintosh said, the monarchical principle, broached from the very commencement of the Holy Alliance, and which he deemed to be the most sarcastic reflection ever cast on monarchy, was this-that no amendments in the institutions of absolute monarchs could be legitimate, unless they flowed from the absolute monarchs themselves. This was the principle on which the King of France relied; and if this principle be admitted, the king of these realms is an usurper. It arraigns his title to the crown-it brands King William as a conspirator, and our ancestors who seated him on the throne as a gang of banditti-it brands our ancestors who extorted Magna Charta, as conspirators-the most solemn acts on which our constitution rests, become null and invalid—every privilege of the House is annihilated, and his majesty's occupation of the throne is nothing but a continued usurpation, and a violation of that pretended monarchical principle, which is applied to the affairs of Spain, by those whom he was sorry to hear called the allies of this country. Mr. Denman could not help thinking that such remonstrances ought to have been made as would have prevented the appearance of that disgusting speech which had issued from

the mouth of the King of France. If the Congress had in fact been the scene of remonstrance on the part of England, the aggression of France against Spain, in the teeth of that remonstrance, was of itself an act of hostility against England. The address was then carried unanimously.-On the 5th after some business of little moment, Mr. Child brought up the report of the committee on the address. Sir R. Wilson wished to guard the House against the word " neutrality." He contended that in a political, military, and financial point of view, this country was bound to interfere,-for, by spending a few thousands now, she might save millions in future. The gallant officer vindicated the Spanish Government, and said, it was notorious that in almost all the frontier towns of France bands had been formed, armed, and paid by French gold, with the intention of promoting the cause of rebellion in the Spanish nation. The address was agreed to.-On the 10th, several petitions were presented, and papers moved for; and Mr. Peel stated, that the King had presented his father's library to the nation. On the 11th, some unimportant business was transacted and notices given.-On the 12th, Mr. Canning and Mr. Herries took their seats for Harwich. Mr. Wallace moved the revival of the Committee of Foreign Trade, and signified his retirement from the office of President of the Board of Trade. Certain papers were ordered by Mr. S. Rice relative to the conduct of Baron O'Grady. Mr. Hume moved for an explanation of the appointment of a new Lieutenantgeneral of Ordnance against the recommendation of the Committee of Military Enquiry. Mr. Canning justified the appointment, and Mr. Hume withdrew his motion. On the 13th, only 36 members being present, the House adjourned to the following day, when a petition was presented against the new Marriage Act from the Archdeacon of Oxford. Mr. Maberly moved for a return relative to the public expenditure. The Marriage Act amendment bill was read a second time, and Mr. Brogden brought up the report of the Committee of Agricultural Distress. Mr. Canning then, in the most open and candid manner, met the question, and stated, that though Government

felt the greatest sympathy with the distresses of the agriculturists, it was not the intention of ministers to bring forward any measure for their relief, from the inadequacy of every project which had been, or could be, devised to meet the evil successfully.-On the 17th, a petition in favour of reform was presented from the City of London by Alderman Wood. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that the House resolve itself into a Committee of Supply. Mr. Creevey then moved, that it should be added to the resolutions, that the House" should also consider the grievances of the empire." Mr. Canning and several other members opposed the amendment, and the original motion was agreed to. Eight hundred thousand pounds were then granted to pay off Exchequer bills. Mr. Hume moved for a return of the distribution of stamps in Great Britain.-On the 18th, Mr. Goulburn brought forward his motion for the reduction of the Staff of the Irish Militia; the extent of the saving would be about 30,000l. Leave was given to bring in a bill for that purpose. Mr. Grenfell moved for an account of the balances in the hands of the Bank, which was agreed to: and the House resolved itself into a Committee of Supply.-On the 19th, after some preliminary business, Mr. Hume moved that the appointment of another Lieutenant-general to the Ordnance was at variance with the 13th Report of the Military Commission, and was not essential to the service except in time of war. Mr. Warde opposed the motion. Mr. Canning entered at length into the circumstances of the appointment, and shewed that the office was not filled up from favour, but by a due consideration of the merits of the case. In the absence of the Duke of Wellington, on more important affairs, the Lieutenant-general executed his duty. Three officers of distinguished merit had been named, and two had refused the situation. The House divided ultimately on the original motion. Ayes 73-Noes 200 -Majority 127.

The ex-officio information against the Orange rioters in the theatre at Dublin has been tried. It appears that a regular plan was laid to insult the

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Lord Lieutenant, and raise a disturbance in order to compel the Government to remove him. The evidence was the clearest possible, yet the jury could not agree; and, after being locked up a night, was discharged. The Judges expressed themselves surprised at the small number of names returned on the list of juryinen before the trial commenced. What else could be expected where the Orange faction hold the keys of power? and what chance can there ever have been of impartial justice being dealt to any who were obnoxious to it?

County meetings have been held to petition Parliament respecting the distressed situation of agriculture, and for a reform in Parliament, in the counties of Somerset, York, Berks, Middlesex, Surrey, Southwark, &c. The resolu tions were of the usual tenor; but were, in one or two instances, characterised by the interference of Mr. Cobbett in the debates.

Mr. Robinson has succeeded Mr. Vansittart as Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr. Huskisson has become President of the Board of Trade; Mr. Arbuthnot is appointed to the Woods and Forests; Mr. Lushington to the Treasury; and Mr. Herries to the Secretaryship held by Mr. Lushington.

The King's speech, and the liberal measures which the new Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has shewn an inclination to pursue, have produced a great sensation in the country. All parties unite in supporting measures adapted to the spirit of the age and reprobative of the conduct of the Holy Alliance; in which had England joined, one gloomy depressing despotism might have been expected to pervade the Old World, and fling the institutions of improved times into the grave of freedom, from whence only a violent and sweeping revolution, great and mischievous in proportion to the compression exerted against it, could ever recover the nations. The popular feeling will support ministers in their intended measures; and Mr. Canning deserves well the thanks of his country for conduct, which, by uniting the efforts of all parties in support of reason and justice, will make his measures irresistible in effect.