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succeed, however, in electing Comrade O'Brien in Alberta in 1909 and Comrade Rigg in Manitoba in 1915 to the provincial legislatures.
In 1911, a second Socialist Party came into existence, the Social Democratic Party of Canada which on_January 1, 1915, had 230 Locals, 82 in Ontario, 46 in British Columbia, 45 in Alberta, 20 in Saskatchewan, 28 in Manitoba, 8 in Quebec and one in Nova Scotia, with a membership of 5,380, a paid secretary and two representatives, Jack Place and Parker Williams in the House of British Columbia. Three years ago the Party had several weekly and monthly papers in the English and other languages. Today only The Forward is still published; it is the official -paper of the Party. This Party joined the International in 1912, while the Socialist Party has no international connections. The latter has refused to join so long as the Labor Parties of Great Britain and Australia are admitted to the International.
In the Provincial election in Ontario in 1914 the S. D. P. polled over 6.000 votes (14 candidates) and in the municipal election in Winnipeg 2.000 votes were polled for its candidate against 2,500 for the Liberals and 3,000 for the Conservatives.
The Canadian Socialists have made heroic efforts to stem the tide of jingoism, but in vain. Nevertheless the majority of the Socialists still continue their agitation, even if the most active Socialists have been scattered far and wide.
The general Labor movement in Canada stands strongly under the influence of the American A. F. of L. This may be the reason why the Labor Party, founded by the labor unions of Canada, has progressed far more slowly than those of England and Australia. The nationalist spirit of the Canadian worker resents what is called the dictatorship of American leaders, and, therefore, opposes the pure and simple labor movement. The Labor Party has elected one representative, Mann, to the Dominion Parliament, another having been elected as Liberal-Labor member. Canada has altogether 166,163 trade unionists, 104,482 of whom are affiliated with the A. F. of L.; 23,813 belong to exclusively Canadian unions, while of the remainder some are affiliated with branches or parts of the A. F. of L., and others are entirely independent. The labor unions had in
The decrease in membership in 1914 was caused by the war, for on December 31, 1914, 3,498 union men had already resigned to join the army, while several thousands did so without resigning from their organizations. On December 31, 1915, the number of resignations had risen to 12,411.
Among the labor laws of Canada the Lemieux Act is well known. It was passed in 1907 and is intended to prevent strikes and lockouts in mines and industries connected with public utilities. The great miners' strike in Alberta in 1906, was the immediate cause of passing this law. It provides for a board of conciliation and investigation, one member to be appointed by the employers and one by the employees, and a chairman to be appomed by the government, wherever a strike is threatened. No strike or lockout shall be deciared, until this board has rendered its report. When the report has been rendered it may be accepted or declined by both sides. The purpose of this law, is clearly, to influence public opinion in favor of the compromises which are usually the result of the investigations and so to injure the cause of strikers, who do not follow the paternal advice of the Board.
The government of all Latin American countries is republican and is framed more or less on the model of the United States Constitution, the executive power being in the hands of a president, while legislation is enacted by a nacional congress consisting of two houses. Porto Rico, however, is under the jurisuiction of the United States. It enjoys representative government under an Act of Congress, but the appointment of the executive is reserved to the United States Government.
Neither economic nor political conditions have hitherto favored the rise of a proletarian movement in Latin America. Even where modern industry has to some extent grown up, it has largely been owned abroad, and this exotic character of capitalism in these countries has hampered the normal development. The mass of the people are uneducated, have a low standard of living, are widely dispersed, and so lack political initiative and cohesion. Under nominally liberal republican constitutions in most of the states, a small õligarchy of landowners, merchants, and bankers has generally held power through the free use of corrupton and military force; and this oligarchy has in many cases made matters yet worse by selling out the economic resources and opportunities of their countries to European and American capitalists. Yet within the last two decades the Socialist and Labor movement has got some foothold.
ARGENTINA. Argentina takes the lead-a fact due in part directly to its higher industrial development, in part to the consequent large immigration of workingmen from the more advanced countries of Europe, especially Germany and Italy. A Socialist party was formed in 1896. It has been represented in International Socialist Congresses and in the International Socialist Bureau since 1904, has participated in every general election, has worked for the promotion of trade unionism and for labor legislation. Starting with 134 votes, it reached 1,257 in 1904 and elected one member of the House of Deputies. In 1905 and again in 1909-10, on account of its vigorous protest against the violent suppression of strikes, its leading members were prosecuted and gangs of “hooligans," with the connivance of the police, sacked the offices of its papers. Apparently it gained strength from these attacks, as well as from a propaganda tour by Jean Jaurès in 1911. Its vote grew to 3,500, to 5,200, to 7,000, and in 1912 to 23,000, electing two Deputies. In 1913 it won two more seats in the House and one in the Senate. In 1914 it increased its representation in the House to nine, out of 120, and had over 40,000 votes. There are Socialists also in two of the state legislatures. The party had 4,000 members in 1912, but the number has since greatly increased. Manuel Ugarte, Alfredo Palacios, and Dr. Juan Justo are among its leading men. Its Secretary is Antonio de Tomaso, and its chief organ the daily "Vanguardia," published in Buenos Aires, besides which it has ten weeklies.
The trade-union movement is still weak, being divided into an anarchistic and an anti-political wing, with also a growing socialistic element. Co-operative effort has thus far been directed chiefly to mutual credit for home-building and to the conduct of some bakeries.
The European war at first caused a keen industrial depression, but has since greatly stimulated the textile and some other manufactures. In July, 1915, the party held its tenth congress, in which it decided to convoke in 1916 a congress of all South American working-class organizations, political, industrial, and co-operative, which accept the ideas of internationalism, class struggle, political action, and socialization of means of production.
BRAZIL. In Brazil a labor movement has for some time existed among the numerous immigrant workingmen of Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, and Bahia, with an Italian daily paper, “Avanti,” and a German weekly, “Vorwärts.” Of late some
native Portuguese-speaking elements have been aroused, and early in 1916 a Socialist party had been formed, with branches in four places besides those named, and with a weekly organ in the Portuguese language published at Sao Paulo.
In 1887 there was founded in Chile a Democratic party composed chiefly of workingmen and having socialistic tendencies. In 1894 for the first time it won a seat in the chamber of Deputies, in 1897 a second, and in 1901 a third. In 1906 it elected six of its candidates, but three were arbitrarily unseated. At this time it had also eighty representatives in city councils, and its vote had grown to 18,000. The breach was now widening between the definitely socialistic and the vaguely democratic elements. The former were gaining ground when in 1907 there came a strike of 30,000 of the wretchedly exploited mine workers in the North, which was crushed by brute force, 800 strikers being massacred. After a period of disorganization, there was formed in the North, in 1912, a Socialist Labor party, which that year succeeded in electing to the Chamber Luis Recabárren, a printer and a veteran of the labor movement. He was unseated because of his refusal to take an oath inconsistent with his principles. The party has remained without parliamentary representation, but has carried on a campaign of education and helped in building up trade unions and co-operatives. In this it has had aid from the party in Argentina. The government reports the existence in 1910 of 433 local labor unions with 65,000 members, and in 1913 of 547 unions with 92,000 members. It seems likely that these figures include many workmen's mutual-aid societies and other bodies that are not properly trade unions; but there were at any rate 10,000 railway men, 2,000 bakery workers, over 2,000 shoe-makers, nearly 2,000 carpenters, 1,000 wagon builders, and 800 streetrailway employees organized in real unions in the region of the Center, besides a separate federation in the extreme South and unions of miners and others in the North. On account of the peculiar configuration of the country, which is about 100 miles wide and over 2,000 miles long, the labor movement is not strongly centralized. Early in 1914, in reprisal for railway and mine strikes, the principal labor leaders and editors were arrested. Meanwhile, the Socialist Labor party has spread from the North to other regions, and in 1915 it held its first national congress at Santiago and established there an organ entitled “Vanguardią."
CUBA. In Cuba there were some Socialists and more Anarchists, even under Spanish rule, and trade unionism existed at least among the cigar makers and the skilled building workers. With the growth of industry since the separation from Spain, Socialism and Labor organization have also grown. A Socialist party was formed in 1910, affiliated with the International Bureau, and having its headquarters at 86 via San Rafael, Havana. Its organ is "El Socialista," published weekly, and there are also trade-union papers, “La Tierra" and “Via Libre."
MEXICO. Mexico has of late commanded more attention in this country than any other Latin-American state; although its Socialist and Labor movement is still small, it vitally interests both the party and the unions in the United States.
Along with the Constitution of 1857, the Mexican Congress passed a law declaring that the right of property in land depends on its being worked and that “the accumulation in the hands of a few people of large territorial possessions which are not cultivated or rendered productive is against the common welfare and contrary to the principles of democratic and republican government.” This gives the keynote to Mexican social history. Popular uprisings, from the War for Independence, 1810-21, to the present, have in the main represented the effort of the rural masses to break up the large estates and raise themselves from the status of virtual serfs (debt-bound peons) to that of peasant proprietors. The antagonism between clerical and anticlerical forces has not been a matter of religious belief, but has resulted from the fact that the church is a great landholding agency, in close alliance with other monopolistic interests.
The Diaz Blight. Under Presidents Benito Juarez and Lerdo de Tejado, 1858-76 (notwithstanding the French invasion, 1862-67, aided by Spain and connived at by Britain) great progress was made toward realizing the ideal of agrarian democracy and promoting a native and normal development of the country's
Under Porfirio Diaz, 1876-1911, this work was rapidly undone, the public-school system was destroyed, the press gagged, the courts made venal, elections controlled by military force; assassination and massacre became familiar governmental methods; the ownership of land was reconcentrated and peonage revived; an enormous debt in favor of European and American bankers was created, only a small