left for professional diplomats and politicians. As a result this field has not been organized, and there are few permanent agencies for dealing justly, comprehensively and humanely with international questions and rights."

The Council proposed that every national center affiliated with the International Federation of Trade Unions send two delegates to the Conference, and that unaffiliated organizations be also represented. The Convention adopted the recommendation and authorized the Council to appoint the president of the A. F. of L. and another delegate to attend. It also urged that the trade union movement maintain strict neutrality in the present crisis, for "after all, down deep in the hearts of all real unionists lie that fraternal spirit and world-wide brotherly love, genuine sympathy and kindly regard for the welfare of our fellow workers, regardless of place and nationality."

In considering the Central and South American countries, the Council recommended closer relationships with the labor movement than had been in existence heretofore, especially in view of the affiliations which the employing classes of the various countries will have with each other in the near future. It commented favorably on the pro-working class attitude of Carranza in Mexico. Toward the people of Porto Rico, the Convention assumed the internationalist position, by urging Congress speedily to pass legislation which would grant citizenship to the people of that island, and relieve them from the oppressive social and economic conditions under which they were living.

The delegates also went on record against the discriminations under which the Jewish race in various European countries were now suffering.

In regard to immigration, the Convention repeated its well known position in favor of the literacy test, on the ground that unlimited immigration would lower the American standard of living and, furthermore, that "ability to read is a qualification that should reasonably operate to protect the alien against the misrepresentations and false promises held out to them by the unscrupulous agents of conscienceless exploiters." It urged its members also, to work for a more extensive Asiatic exclusion law, and against employing or patronizing Asiatics in any manner whatsoever.

"Preparedness."

It was not, however, until the question of "preparedness" was reached that the convention witnessed a genuine cleavage of opinion among the delegates. The Council had previously reported on the Dick military bill, declaring that it had not been wrongly applied in the twelve years of its

existence, and that a vigilant labor movement could prevent its injurious use. It had also expressed its belief in the need of a small standing army to be supplemented by a citizen soldiery, democratically organized and controlled. It must, however, be said in passing that the recent agitation for "preparedness" has met with a distinct disapproval of the rank and file of the labor movement. In numerous cities where "preparedness" parades were held the labor unions have declined the invitation to participate and have used the opportunity to declare their opposition to the extension of the spirit of militarism which the advocates of "preparedness" were trying to bring about through influencing public opinion.

The discussion at the Convention was begun as a result of a resolution introduced by Adolph Germer of the Illinois Mine Workers, now National Secretary of the Socialist Party, urging the Federation to protest "against the introduction in our public schools of military propaganda" and to "call upon the workers to desist from affiliating with any branch of the military forces." In defense of his resolution, he declared that the Trade Union movement of America was the only one that was not anti-militaristic; that Europe had been plunged into war because of her preparedness; that there were powerful interests in this country endeavoring to use the schools, movies, theaters, civic organizations, to forward their pro-militarist schemes; that there was no fear that the crippled and maimed of Europe would desire war with us after the European conflagration was over, and that the chief danger was the use of the military forces in developing our foreign trade. "And I," declared Delegate Germer, "absolutely refuse to go to a foreign nation to shoot other workers or be shot by them."

President Gompers, who concluded the debate, asserted that he had been a pacifist for many years, but that the sight of the workers of Europe hurling themselves at each other's throats, caused him to revise his opinions. He believed that an international court whose decrees were enforced by boycotts, would be the outcome of this war, but was of the opinion that the republic should be prepared for emergencies. "A people," he continued, "unwilling to defend the institution of self government are not worthy to have a republic." He pleaded for the Swiss citizen army plan, and claimed that it would be dangerous to the liberties of the country to leave the military forces in the hands of the select few. All the speakers asserted that they were bitterly opposed to war and to militarism, The motion of Delegate Germer was defeated,

The Tilt Over the Eight Hour Law.

The liveliest debate held during the Convention was that dealing with the eight hour law, at the conclusion of which the Convention reaffirmed, by a small majority, its action of the previous year, placing itself on record against legislative enactment for the shorter work day. This action of organized labor is, to many, one of the most inexplicable decisions of the convention.

The resolution in favor of the eight hour day law was introduced by Delegate John J. Fitzpatrick, who represented the Illinois Federation of Labor. The Committee in reporting the resolution unfavorably declared that labor had won its first battles through the repeal of laws by which the conditions of labor were determined by legislative and judicial authorities, and that wage earners must depend on their own economic organizations for securing the shorter work day. This is the only effective method, and, at the same time, "it enables unionists to maintain their independence and their resourcefulness."

In behalf of his own motion, Delegate Fitzpatrick declared, that, in his opinion, labor should use both its political and economic power, to attain its end in this fight. Most of the people in this country are unorganized and cannot fight for the eight hour day industrially. "There is no ray of hope in their lives and still we are going along regardless of the interests they may have in the premises. . . . We have organized two million men after a hard struggle and a great number of years, practically within the period of the average man's life, and then we say to these others, 'Live on in hope that some day our organization will reach you and bring you within our beneficent fold.'"

That the leisure which an eight hour law would bring would conduce to the strengthening rather than the weakening of the labor movement, was the contention of Delegate Barnes of the Cigar Makers Union. "It is the best man at his trade," said Delegate Barnes, "that headed the roster of the labor movement in every community. Because he

was skilled and independent he had more time for thought. Those who have the most leisure will be the quickest to organize. There is a growing public sentiment in the direction of the eight hour law, and we want to coin that sentiment into law. Now the American Federation of Labor goes to the doors of the legislatures and says: 'Let us alone; we will fix John D. Rockefeller and his blessed son; we will take care of the steel industry. You gentlemen representing legislation, keep your hands off!' You

are going back one hundred years and assuming the position of the master class regarding legislation. I don't know just

what made Mr. Gompers change his mind on this law. In his speech in Philadelphia, he flung at Delegate Gallagher, 'Do you know where the eight hour law in California originated? It was started by the Socialist Party of California.'"

Mr. Gompers, who opposed the resolution, asserted that there were, unfortunately, some who did not believe that struggle and travail were natural in human development and who thought that an easy route could be found. He believed that tyranny would necessarily result if the state interfered.

"I am unwilling as one," he affirmed, "to place within the power of a political agent, call him what you please, the right to govern my industrial liberty, or the industrial freedom of my fellow workers. There never was a government in the history of the world and there is not one today that, when a critical moment came, did not exercise tyranny over the people. I have been in constant touch with the men in the Australasian labor movement. While in this convention I have received a letter from Melbourne in which it is declared that the trade union movement is becoming weakened and enfeebled. The truth is it was the Socialist Party that first made the declaration to secure the eight hour day by law. It was predicated upon the motion of ballot box mania, and it was for the purpose of injecting into the convention and into the labor movement of America such questions as may tend to divide us. If the min

ers want regulation by law, let them have it, but you cannot force it down the throats of other trade unionists. Primarily I want the government to secure to us by law the right to exert and exercise the normal human activities of selfdevelopment and associated effort, so that we may fight the battles, not by a piece of paper dropped in an urn or a beautifully carved ballot box, but by scars of battle, by the hunger of the stomach, by the weeping and the wailing of life, and still stand true to the battle line of Labor."

The philosophy underlying the remarks of President Gompers were challenged by such well known unionists as Van Lear and President Johnston of the Machinists and Secretary Green of the United Mine Workers.

On the calling of the roll, the committee reported 8,500 for the committee's report and against the resolution, and 6,396 against the report.

A somewhat acrimonious tilt between Mr. Gompers and Delegate Barnes resulted from the introduction of a resolution to find out whether or not the rank and file of membership wished to elect officers by referendum rather than by the convention methods. The resolution was lost.

The convention voted to give its moral and financial support to the Danbury Hatters; in favor of government

ownership of telephones and telegraphs and municipal housing, free text books in universities, industrial education, legislation restricting the use of armed guards, and many other important legislative and industrial changes.

Altogether the convention indicated that the delegates were becoming supremely alive to the big issues of the day, and while to the advance guard of the labor movement many of their decisions could not be justified, the thrashing out of big national and international questions, as witnessed at the convention, and the intelligent and fearless challenging by the minority of positions which they deemed unsound, gave much promise for the days that are to come.

DIRECTORY A. F. OF L.

Headquarters 801-9 G Street, N. W. Washington, D. C.

OFFICERS OF THE FEDERATION.

President-Samuel Gompers.

Vice Presidents-James Duncan, James O'Connell, D. A.
Hayes, Joseph F. Valentine, John R. Alpine, H. B. Per-
ham, Frank Duffy, William Green.
Treasurer-John B. Lennon.

Secretary-Frank Morrison.

DEPARTMENTS.

Building Trades Department, Ouray Bldg., Washington, D. C. Metal Trades Department, Ouray Bldg., Washington, D. C. Mining Department, Ouray Bldg., Washington, D. C. Railroad Employees Department, Ghio Bldg., St. Louis, Mo. Union Label Trades Department, Ouray Bldg., Washington, D. C.

UNAFFILIATED ORGANIZATIONS.

The following labor organizations are not affiliated with the A. F. of L. but maintain friendly relations with the Federation:

Bricklayers and Masons International, University Park Bldg., Indianapolis, Ind.

Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, Jefferson Bldg., Peoria, Ill.

Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, B. of L. E. Bldg., Cleveland, O.

Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, American Trust Bldg., Cleveland, O.

National Window Glass Workers, 419 Electric Bldg., Cleveland, O.

Order of Railway Conductors of America, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.