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a number of soldiers, thus providing sufficient excuse for counter-revolutionary agitation. The whole P. P. S. was responsible for these tactics, for, until 1906, at the ninth Party Congress, the central committee and the central organ, which were in possession of the present radical wing, supported these tactics, and defended them against the attacks of the Social Democracy. But when the political mass movement of the whole Russian proletariat, whose greatest period had been co-incident with the nationalist efforts above described, subsided, it became clear that these attacks upon the Russian governmental strongholds were not a part of the proletarian revolutionary struggle. Then came the clash within the P. P. S. and its subsequent division.
In an election conducted under regulations made by the Germans in Warsaw in June, 1916, the nationalist wing of the P. P. S. was one of the officially recognized parties. It polled 5,916 votes and secured 2 seats in the municipal council, while the Social Democracy, which was bitterly' opposed by the German occupants and the P. P. S. (opposition), polled 2,631 and 3,711 votes respectively, and each elected one representative.
There is hardly a sign of a labor organization in Poland at the present time. But in Warsaw and Lodz and in a number of other industrial cities, renewed attempts are being made towards industrial organization. In Warsaw, in January, 1916, a labor union federation was created consisting of metal workers, bricklayers, painters, tailors and seamstress
An employment bureau was opened and educational work was begun. At present there are in Warsaw 9 labor unions that recognize the modern, independent labor movement. The conditions under which they must work are exceedingly unfavorable; the need and suffering of the working-class is terrible. Industry has almost completely stopped in Warsaw and Lodz and in most of the other industrial centers.
PORTUGAL. Republic; Congress of two houses, both chosen by direct cote of all men able to read and write; limited minority representation; President chosen by Congress.
Portugal has long been one of the most unprogressive countries in Europe, with corrupt and arbitrary government, miserable poverty and ignorance (83% illiterate in 1909), no religious liberty, and little industrial enterprise.
A Socialist party was formed in 1876, under the influence of Lafargue and other Spanish Internationalists. For forty years it barely maintained an existence, enduring violent persecution and struggling with Anarchist tendencies fostered by backward economic and political conditions. Since the overthrow of the monarchy in October, 1910, the separation of church and state in 1911, and the resultant economic and intellectual awakening, it has made better progress. There is one Socialist in Congress, Manoel Jose da Silva, a printer, from Oporto. The party had about 1,000 members in the fall of 1910, but grew to 3,300 by the summer of 1913. In that year it won many seats in city councils.
Labor organization is confined to a few localities and has been under Anarchist leadership. Of late, however, the unions are beginning to grow and to show socialistic tendencies. Their first general congress was held in 1914.
The rise of food prices and disturbance of trade resulting from the war has provoked numerous strikes and hunger riots in Lisbon and elsewhere, which have been suppressed by military force.
The sixth national congress of the party, in the fall of 1915, approved the Zimmerwald resolutions and elected Nogueira and Silva as members of the International Socialist Bureau and Antonio Francisco Pereira as editor of the party organ, “O Combate.” The next congress is to be at Coimbra in 1917.
Its secretary is Cesar Nogueira, rua do Bemformoso 150, Lisbon.
The Secretary of the Labor Federation is Francisco dos Santos, Rue do Laranjal 83, Porto.
Constitutional monarchy; two houses of Parliament: Senate and Chamber of Deputies; Senate, 120 members elected for eight years; Chamber of Deputies, 173 members elected for four years. Members of both Houses receive $4.00 for each day of attendance. Franchise is a three-class indirect system, reactionary and plutocratic.
The task of the modern labor movement in Roumania is a difficult one. Seventy-five per cent of the Roumanian people are illiterates. The population, chiefly farmers, are absolutely dominated by a feudalistic form of government. Here is a country in which medieval serfdom existed until 1864, and in which 59 per cent of the soil is still held by 4,000 landowners. The remaining 41 per cent is held by a million peasant proprietors, who are without capital and live under the most wretched conditions. They express themselves politically in the form of Jacqueries, so terrible that it is difficult to say which is the more ferocious, the revolt itself or the repression. The Socialist movement is now regarded with suspicion in working-class circles, because of unhappy mistakes made in the first stages of the movement. This makes the work of the Party, which was founded in 1910, still more difficult. In the 90's there was organized in Roumania a Socialist Party whose leaders were exclusively students, lawyers, doctors and other professionals and who had been educated in the universities of Western Europe. These ambitious gentlemen, whose Socialistic views were at best cloudy and confused, suddenly in 1899 left the Socialist movement, which did not progress fast enough to fulfill their expectations, and joined the Liberal Party. Here they became members of the Ministry and other high office-holders and made splendid careers. Even to-day the majority of the leading men of Roumania are former Socialists. The effect on the Socialist movement itself was that it became too weak to come before the public and thus degenerated into a number of study classes.
It is due to the splendid work of Dr. C. Rakowsky that there is in Roumania to-day a proletarian Socialist movement. He and C. Dobrogeanu-Gherea, a famous writer and economist, took the movement in hand and succeeded in reorganizing and building up the remnants of the first unfortunate venture. They founded Socialist clubs all over the country, published the first Socialist newspaper, Romania Municitoare, in Bucharest and arranged for a national convention, which resulted in a loose organization of the existing Socialist forces. The new movement, even before it became a political party, went through a severe crisis. The farmers' revolt of 1907 was followed by a period of governmental persecution. All clubs were dissolved, their money confiscated and about a thousand Jewish Socialists—four-fifths of the 289,000 Roumanian Jews are proletarians-were banished from the country as foreigners. Particular efforts were made to banish Rakowsky, who was also denounced as a foreigner. Several years passed, before he was permitted to prove, in court, that he was a citizen of Roumania. A still more critical period came for the Party in 1913, when the Balkan War whipped high the waves of nationalist feeling. Two influential Socialists, the lawyers Cocea and Dragu, endorsed the expansion policy of the government, although the Party itself protested emphatically against it. The former were expelled from the Party together with a number of extreme opportunists. Then began a genuine Socialistic movement in Roumania.
The Social-Democratic Party has agitated unceasingly for peace since the outbreak of the world war. It still demands the preservation of Roumanian neutrality, and is an important factor against the outbreak of war. Huge Socialist peace demonstrations were held in Bucharest, Jassy, Galatz, etc., in June, July and August, 1915; altogether 284 meetings were held attended by tens of thousands of people
and 495,920 anti-war leaflets were distributed. At a number of these meetings there were clashes with the police and soldiery; in Bucharest 40 comrades were arrested and 20 wounded.
A Party convention held on November 7-9, 1915, as the first order of business, adopted a resolution of sympathy with those comrades "who remained true to the spirit of Internationalism and have refused to make common cause with their governments.” It approved the resolutions of the Zimmerwald Conference against war, for the triumph of international Socialism, and promised material and moral support to the International Socialist Agitation Committee in Berne. After these declarations had been adopted by the convention, government persecution of the Socialist press and organizations was conducted with renewed vigor.
The Party is not yet well organized. The fourth Convention reported a membership of 2,980, mostly residents of Bucharest and a few industrial centres. The Socialist vote —there were candidates nominated in seven cities only—was 1,557 in 1910 and 2,047 in 1914. Women's organizations are springing up everywhere. Electoral and especially agrarian reforms are the chief features of the party program.
The Federation of Trade Unions works in utmost harmony with the Socialist movement. In 1914 it had 14.000 members. By the first of October, 1915, this number had risen to 16,700. The waiters, metalworkers, railway workers, textile workers and woodworkers are fairly well organized. Each of these possesses a monthly publication. Public employees are prohibited from joining the Federation.
The Secretary of the Party is J. C. Frimu, Roumanian Social-Democratic Party, Strada Piatza Amzei, 261 Bucharest.
The Secretary of the Labor Federation is D. Pop, Piata Amzei 26, Bucharest.
Autocratic Monarchy. The Government is carried on by the Czar, the Council of the Empire and the Duma. The Council of the Empire consists of members appointed by the Czar on the advice of the Cabinet. The Duma consists of 383 members elected by the electoral bodies of the chief towns or governments or provinces and of the largest cities. The Czar is autocratic ruler and can override any decision of the Council of the Empire or the Duma.
Russia, with its vast territory is a mixture of modern industrial and ancient agricultural life. No Socialist movement in any nation has cost so much in human life as that of Russia; no working-class has suffered such awful persecution and oppression. In the first decades of the revolutionary
movement of the Russian proletariat many hundreds of the leaders, who then came from the educated middle class—were executed; many thousands were banished to Siberia; and even to-day, when the Social Democratic Party has become a recognized party, with its representatives in the Duma, membership in the Party is still heavily penalized. The brutal suppression makes organization and propaganda secret and secrecy produces a movement split up into many divergent groups. Only in 1910 did it become possible to unify the existing social democratic movements.
The International Socialist Congresses have recognized three entirely separate Russian labor movements: the Social Revolutionary Party, the Social Democratic Labor Party and the so-called Group of Toil. The last named is at best little more than
peasant party. It sprang up, just before the first Duma election, and was exceedingly successful because its semi-communist program bore strong resemblance to the ancient Russian communism, whose traditions still have a firm hold upon the Russian peasant. It elected 104 representatives to the Duma but at the following election it lost ground and in the present, the fourth, Duma, it has but 10 representatives. The Social Revolutionary Party, which also played an important part in the first Duma elections, has also lost much of its importance, mainly because it still favors the use of terrorist means and methods, similar to those of the anarcho-syndicalist groups of Western Europe. The labor party of the greatest importance in Russian public life and thought is the Social Democratic Labor Party with its various factions and national groups.
It is difficult to determine the numerical strength of the Russian Socialist movement. The Duma elections are certain criterion. Notwithstanding the undemocratic and anti-labor character of the complicated election laws, the Socialist groups in 1907 succeeding in electing 101, and the Group of Toil 116 representatives of the 504 in the whole Duma. Since then the election laws have become still more reactionary. Nevertheless it is beyond doubt, that the Socialists still control the majority of the industrial proletariat and that a steadily growing number of poorer middle class men and women see in the Socialist movement their only hope and are openly joining it. In six of the largest Russian cities, in each of which the workers as such have the right to elect one representative to the Duma, all six of the men elected were Socialists. To these were added in 1912 eight Socialists who were elected with the assistance of middle class votes particularly among the oppressed nations of Russia, where the more enlightened population votes for the Socialists rather than return to the Duma a representative of the Russian government. When the fourth Duma went