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which to-day is more united and more powerful than ever before. The Reformist Party, in the Ministerial reorganization in May, 1916, succeeded in placing Bissolati and three other members in the Cabinet, where they were the wildest and the most ardent supporters of Italian intervention.
The Party suffered for years from internal strife and differences on questions of principle and tactics, which explains the slow growth of its organization. The differences were not of a purely political nature. The struggle between the Trade Unionist and the Syndicalists in the labor movement, had an important influence upon the Party. The following shows the increase in Party membership: 1900 19,000 1912
1914 1908 40,000
49,000 The election returns were as follows:
Votes, tives. 1892— 26,000 6 1900—175,000 32 (Fusion with the bourgeois Radicals) 1904-320,000 27 1909–339,000 1913—960,000 59
In 1913 the Reformists polled 200,000 votes for their candidates, and elected 21 representatives. There had been 29 Socialist deputies in the Chamber after the Reformists broke away from the Party.
The Industrial Movement is divided into two distinct groups, one, the so-called Reformist group; the other, the Syndicalist organizations. Each of these groups possesses its own central organization. The Confederazione Generale di Lavoro is the older federation. It stands in close touch with the Socialist Party, and indorses its war-position, while the Unione Sindicale, an organization patterned after the French General Confederation of Labor, condemns all political action and sees in the general strike the chief weapon of the working-class. Like the French organization, also, it stands for intervention and for "Burgfrieden.” The Confederazione Generale di Lavoro counted 321,000 members in 1912, after it had lost 63,000 members through the railwayworkers' organization joining the Syndicalist centre-organization. Since then, however, there has been a marked upward growth. In 1914, 420,000 members were enrolled under its banner, while the Unione Sindicale numbered only 120,000.
The movement of the farmhands is an important factor in the life of the Italian labor movement. They are organized as the National Federation of Rural Workers and number over 165,000 members. Italy still has over ten million farm workers, against five million industrial workers.
Since the war began, there has been an extraordinary decrease in the number of emigrants. In 1914, 245,897 persons left Italy for European, and 233,144 for American countries. In 1913 they numbered 313,132 and 559,566 respectively. The number of emigrants was reduced by more than one half in the first half year of the war. Sicily, Venice and Lombardy furnish the greatest number of emigrants.
The Secretary of the Socialist Party of Italy is: C. Lazzari, Via Del Seminario 87, Rome.
The Secretary of the Labor Federation is R. Rigola, Via Manfredo Fanti 2, Milano.
Constitutional monarchy; government by one house only. Storthing consists of 123 members who are elected by universal suffrage. Since 1913 men and women over 25 years of age eligible to vote. In 1916, women were granted suffrage.
Norway is one of the most democratic countries of the world. The King, the present ruler, who was elected by the people, is hardly more than a mouthpiece of the popular will, as expressed by the Parliament.
The Social-Democratic Party was founded in 1887 and participated in an election for the first time in 1894 when it polled 732 votes. On May 1, 1915, it reported 53,800 members, 36,500 of these living in the cities, 17,300 in the country districts. The increase in the vote is shown by the following Parliamentary election returns: Repre
Votes sentatives Votes sentatives
1906...... 43,100 10 1897. 947
1909. 91,268 11 1900. 7,013
1912. 120,077 23 24,526 4
1915. .196,000 20 The Party lost representatives in the last election, although its vote was increased by 70,000. Of these 25,000 were women, voting for the first time; the remainder, however, represents a true gain. Although the Socialist vote is one third of the total vote cast, the Party is the second largest party in the Storthing. It has relatively fewer elected representatives because the farming population elects two thirds of the representatives. In spite of the middle class
character of Norway, which in turns colors somewhat the point of view of the Norwegian Socialist Party, the Congress held in the spring of 1915 took a decided stand against war and militarism. The Storthing group had voted in favor of the government measures for the preservation of Norwegian neutrality, and had incurred the criticism of the young people's movement and other sections of the party. These attacks became so violent at the Party convention, that the Storthing group announced its intention of resigning in a body, should there be a vote of censure. With eight dissenting votes, a motion was passed, declaring that the Party was unalterably opposed to the so-called armed neutrality, that it was opposed to every kind of military armament and preparedness, and therefore must reject all measures undertaken in this direction. The resolution, however, did not condemn the action of the Storthing group. The Party crisis was thus bridged over, while the standpoint of the Party was fixed more definitely and clearly than before. The following military program was adopted by the Party with only three dissenting votes: Disarmament, permanent neutrality, absolute and obligatory submission to an International Tribunal of Arbitration. In order to give more potent expression to its anti-militaristic policy, the national conference which met in Christiania in 1916, instructed the Executive Committee of the Party to establish the most intimate connections with the Zimmerwald International Conference, without, however, losing touch with the International Socialist Bureau at the Hague. The Party Executive Committee had previously declined to indorse the Zimmerwald Conference, and only the Young Socialist movement had joined it from the start.
The Norwegian Party is represented in a large number of municipal governments. In Christiania, the Norwegian capital, 29 of the 84 municipal legislators are Socialists. The Party controls 8 daily newspapers, 19 weeklies, which have . an aggregate circulation of 128,600. The leading organ is the Social-demokraten published in Christiania, with a circulation of 31,000. The Party owns its own press and news bureau, which furnishes daily news, editorials and correspondences for the party press. The party literature and publishing departments print and sell all party literature. For the last 7 years the party in Christiania has conducted a Socialist evening ischool where - German and Norwegian literature and history, arithmetic, bookkeeping and political economy are taught. One hundred and twenty-two Labor Lyceums (25 in cities and 97 in country districts) belong either to the Party, to the labor unions, or to the co-operative societies-in some cases to all of them.
The Woman's Federation of the Norwegian Labor Party in 1905 had about 2,600 members in 61 branches. Of these 11 were labor union organizations. The Storthing has as yet no women members, as there has been no election since the women have become eligible for membership. There are, however, 27 women in rural town governments and 47 women in municipal legislative bodies and their number is steadily and rapidly growing.
The Young People's movement has grown considerably in recent years. It now has 6,000 members, publishes a weekly organ Klassenkampen (Class struggle) and has a strong radical influence upon the Party.
The Labor Union Movement of Norway, as in the other Scandinavian countries, is closely allied with the political working-class movement. All unions are class-conscious, and in consequence consider the Socialist Party their true political representative. The General Confederation, in January, 1916, had 70,408 members. Of these 17,876 belonged to the general labor unions, 14,376 to the metal workers, while the paper industry workers stand third with a membership of 6,031. Norway has altogether about 230,000 industrial workers, so that more than 28 per cent are industrially organized. In view of the undeveloped character of the Norwegian industries this is an exceedingly good percentage. The following tables show the development of the labor union movement, its effectiveness and power:
1,963,445.10 60,829 2,002,313.85
1,611,774.24 63,812 2,004,303.85
1,697,074.32 In March, 1914, a special congress of labor unions was held, to oppose an attempt of the government to make striking illegal and to introduce obligatory arbitration boards, by a general strike. When the proposed bill was brought before the Strothing in May, a general strike was ordered for May 6th, which lasted until May 11, when the bill was withdrawn. This, however, did not prevent the government a few months later, from again attempting to introduce a similar bill—without success. Later the government brought in a bill, which provided for the settling of labor disputes by arbitration boards. This bill, though not quite as severe as the first one, was also opposed by the Socialist Party, but was finally adopted by Parliament. This law contains a number of effective repressive measures. All workers employed in public industries must give 14 days notice before saying down their work: furthermore, the organization may be held responsible for the failure of any of its members to
1911 1912 1913
comply with the contract, through illegal strikes or lockouts. The public arbitration commission has the power to prohibit strikes and lockouts, so long as there seems a possibility of arbitration.
In July, 1916, in the midst of tremendous conflicts between capital and labor the government under the direction of the employers, forced the passage of a bill providing for obligatory arbitration boards. After all parties, with the exception of the Social-Democratic Party, had declared themselves in favor of the bill, the labor unions, in accordance with the decision of the labor congress held two years before, declared a general strike. Although 120,000 persons answered the call, the law was passed, in spite of this protest of organized labor, and after eight days the strike was called off.
The Norwegian Co-operative movement is of very recent date. In 1913, 136 co-operative societies with 30,000 members doing a business of 2,437,066 Crowns were in existence. There are also two co-operative manufacturing undertakings, one for the production of oleomargarine and a tobacco factory.
Socialist Party, Folkets Hus, Christiania.
The Socialist movement in Russian Poland is older than that of Russia. It originated in the other sections of the former Polish Kingdom, as for instance Cracow and Lemberg, where Socialist thought has always been an influence in the national revolutionary movement. This is probably the reason why Polish socialism is more nationalistic in character than the proletarian movement among any of the other oppressed nations.
Russian Poland has three Socialist parties, two of which, the Social Democracy of Russian Poland and Lithuania and the radical wing of the Polish Socialist Party (P. P. S.) are' parts of the general Russian movement, and as such work for the Russian Revolution, and regard the national liberation of Poland only as an episode in their struggle. The third, the larger part of the P. P. S. is closely allied with the Austrian P. P. S., which supported the famous Polish Legion, and sees in the victory of the Teuton nations the fulfillment of its nationalist ideals. The split in the P. P. S., more than ten years ago, was caused by the fact that the supporters of the old (nationalist) liberation program desired to create a revolutionary organization to conduct guerilla warfare against the Czar's government. They organized raids upon government institutions and in the course of these “confiscations" killed