secure universal suffrage and old age pension laws. This resolution was voted down. Another resolution was adopted, by 375 against 320 votes, to the effect that "a party like the Socialist Labor Party, which in its origin, its nature and its aims, is diametrically opposed to the political domination of the capitalist class, is under no obligation to join a capitalist ministry. The S. L. P. has, under the circumstances, done its full duty in the struggle for universal suffrage and old age pension laws by its promise to support any government, which shall provide for the establishment of these reforms.”

When war seemed inevitable, Troelstra announced in the Chamber of Deputies in the name of the Social Democratic representatives, that they would vote the funds necessary for the mobilization of the Dutch forces because they realized that only by so doing, could the neutrality of Holland be assured. At the same time he emphasized the unalterable purpose of the Party, to oppose, with every ˇmeans in its power, any aggressive participation in the war. On August 26, Troelstra made a further announcement in the Lower House, expressing the desire of the Social Democracy, that the Peace conditions "shall expressly guarantee the independence of the nations of Europe," although the S. D. L. P. recognizes that "no lasting peace is possible, that only by the formation of an International of Labor of the free people of Europe can all capitalistic struggles for power and profit cease, and all wars be made impossible."

In addition to the S. D. L. P. Holland has had since 1909, a Social Democratic Party, which to-day counts over 600 members. Its official organ is The Tribune. This party, which sent representatives to the Zimmerwald Conferences, claims that "it alone represents the Marxian principles which were, at one time, supported by the S. D. L. P., which has, however, completely abandoned them." To this party belong prominent Socialist writers, who have helped to influence the general Socialist movement in Holland.

The labor movement is badly split up. Besides the Federation of Trade Unions, which was founded by the S. D. L. P. and which sympathises with its general attitude, there are Protestant, Catholic and so-called Independent in reality anarchistically inspired-unions, which work in active opposition to each other. The relative strength of these unions is as follows:

The organizations affiliated with the Federation of Trade Unions are constantly increasing in membership. On August 1, 1914, they reported a membership of 90,000, on July 1, 1915, a membership of 91,433.

Holland suffered so severely from unemployment when the war first broke out, that a special Trade Union Congress was held on November 8 and 9, 1915. These figures indicate the extent of unemployment in Holland at the time:

The diamond cutters, one of the best organized trades, suffered particularly. In the last two years from 50 to 90% of its members were always unemployed. Their organization alone, paid over 1,000,000 gulden unemployment benefit.

Social legislation in Holland is as yet backward. The compulsory invalid and old age pension system of 1913, and municipal unemployment insurance, fashioned after the socalled Ghent System, are noteworthy exceptions. The latter comprises an allowance of 100 per cent. added by the municipalities to the sum set aside by the trade unions, which averages 3 gulden a week. Only 30 municipalities, however, have thus far co-operated in this. The system is administered by the "Unemployed Council" under the auspices of the government, the trade unicus being represented. At the outbreak of the war, the government made the following provisions in regard to unemployment: the trades unions funds to pay benefits to all members, and municipal unemployment funds to grant an additional 100 per cent. If the trade union fund goes down to 25 per cent. of the capital owned on August 1, 1914, the State and municipality will take over the paying out instead. If the expenses incurred by the municipal fund exceed the amount provided in the municipal estimates by 75 per cent., the state refunds half the sum. The allowance is not to exceed 5 or 6 gulden a week for a married man or breadwinner. Others, above 20, receive 4 or 5 gulden; those between 18 and 20 from 2 to 21⁄2 gulden.

About 50 per cent. of all organized workers are insured in this way against unemployment.

The Secretary of the Social Democratic Labor Party is G. G. van Kuyhof, 16 de Genestetsraat, Amsterdam.

The Secretary of the Labor Federation is J. Oudegeest, Reguliersgracht 80, Amsterdam.

Professor E. R. A. Seligman, in "Principles of
Economics," p. 136.

"The Socialist asks for the abolition of private property in the means of production while retaining it in articles of consumption."

A

HUNGARY.

The Hungarian Parliament is composed of two Houses, the Upper. House of Magnates and the Lower House of Representatives. The House of Magnates is composed of hereditary and life peers, including ecclesiastical and State dignitaries and has about 300 members. The House of Representatives (Reichstag) consists of 453 members, elected for five years on a property qualification franchise by male citizens over 30 years of age. Members each receive $6,500 per annum.

In this "free" nation, controlled by "Liberals," the laws governing organization and assembly are so reactionary that it has been impossible to create a Socialist organization. The labor union members who desire to support a Socialist movement pay their Socialist dues into a special sub-organization of their trade union. Thus the labor unions, are the backbone of the Socialist Party, because without their assistance even the most elementary organization would be an impossibility. It is, of course, difficult to determine the party membership for this reason. In 1914, there were 61,300 members, against 59,623 in 1913, and 52,738 in 1912. In 1913 there were 111,966 labor unionists; in 1914 their number had increased to 134,600.

The vote, in Hungary, is confined to the propertied classes, and is divided between the great feudal landowners and the liberal bourgeoisie. The farmworker is absolutely and the industrial working class almost wholly without political rights. Thus the Social Democracy, with 136 representatives in municipal offices, polled a vote of only 85,000 at the last national election, and was unable to send a representative to Parliament. But the reactionary character of Hungarian political conditions does not mean that revolutionary activity is impossible. The party has for over ten years fought with admirable vigor and tireless energy for greater political freedom. In fact it was due to its frequent public demonstrations and protest meetings that the Tisza Administration finally in 1914 consented to consider a so-called election reform, which was, however, anything but a real improvement. According to the new election laws, in the city every man who is over thirty years of age, can read and write, and fulfill a number of other exceedingly complicated conditions fixed by the provisions of the new election laws, shall have the right to vote. In Budapest, with over 100,000 workers past thirty years of age, hardly 40,000 are eligible to vote. The labor vote, therefore, is but an unimportant factor in Hungarian politics. So far there has been no election under this apology for election reform.

Hungary also has its nationalistic question, though it has not lead to the fierce conflict that arose in Austria. The Hungarians (Magyars), although they are not in the majority among the other races of Hungary, maintain a privileged

position, which has embittered the Germans, the Slavonians and the Roumanians and has led them to organize as national entities.

The attitude of the Hungarian Social-Democracy towards the war could not be brought officially before the people, as there is no Socialist in the Reichstag, and the censors suppress all unpalatable criticism of the government. The press and the carefully worded publications of the party executive show that the party is in sympathy neither with the majority in Austria or in Germany nor with the majority in the allied nations. At any rate there has been no sign of "harmonious co-operation" on the part of the party and labor union forces with the reactionary "liberal" government.

The Hungarian party press includes one Hungarian central organ, a daily paper called Nepszava, the weekly German organ, Volksstimme, one Roumanian, one Serbian and one Slovak organ and a number of local newspapers in Kassa, Pecs, Temeswar, Pozsony, and Fiume (Italian). The scientific socialist organ Socialismus is published monthly.

In 1913 the party consisted of 66 party-labor union organizations in Budapest and 234 in the rest of the country. The Hungarian Woman's and Young People movements have shown a gratifying development in recent years, not only in industrial sections, but also among the agrarian proletariat. The labor union movement is, considering the comparatively undeveloped industrial state of the nation, very good. In 1909 there were 85,266 members; on January 1, 1914, their number had increased to 134,600 (110,300 men and 24,300 women). The number of organized women rose much more rapidly than that of the men. The growth of the labor union movement is shown by the following:

The marked loss in membership in 1909 and the slow growth since that year are attributed to a severe industrial crisis and to a period of exceptionally brutal persecution of labor unions and Socialists. The organization of the agrarian workers was particularly promising. They were not permitted to organize until 1906 when they began with 13,814 members, which had increased to 48,616 members in 1907. Then, because extensive strikes were threatened among the farm

workers the government at the urgent request of the feudal landholders so actively persecuted these organizations that they have almost gone out of existence.

The co-operative movement in Hungary has developed rapidly during the last decade. Large co-operative societies in the country as well as in the city, and also a few co-operative manufacturing concerns are preparing the way with ever increasing success for the future.

The Secretary of the Hungarian Social Democratic Labor Party is E. Buchenberger, Conti-utca 4 Budapest viii.

The Secretary of the Ungarlaendischer Gewerkschaftsrat is: Samu Jaszai, Conti-utca 4, Budapest viii.

ITALY.

Constitutional monarchy; senate and chamber of deputies. Senate consists of persons who have attained high office or dignity in the public service, or distinction in art, science or letters, or who pay at least $600 a year in taxes; nominated for life by King on recommendation of Ministry. At present 400 members; number unlimited. Chamber of Deputies: consists of 508 members, one to every 71,000 population. Suffrage granted to every man 21 years old, but is denied to those younger than 30 who have neither done their military service nor learnt to read and write. Deputies receive $400 a year. At last election (October 1913) the Chamber of Deputies consisted of 318 Constitutionalists, 70 Radicals, 16 Republicans, 77 Socialists, 3 Syndicalists and 24 Catholics.

The Socialist Party of Italy has since. the first day of the war been practically unanimous in opposing all intervention and participation in the world war. It severely criticized the attitude of the German Social-Democracy and emphatically condemned the Austrian Party because it supported the "Burgfrieden" doctrine-without even the excuse of a representative Parliament. But it was no less emphatic in its opposition to the French and English Socialists, who supported the war. The Italian Party immediately and unanimously joined the movement to reunite the international forces of the Socialist movement. It was the only large Party which signed and supported the decisions of the first Zimmerwald Conference.

When in 1912 the official party organization opposed the Tripoli adventure, Bissolati, one of the cleverest Socialist speakers in Parliament, and Podrecca, the editor of the influential humorous paper L'Asino, with two other representatives, openly favored the governmental policy and were, in consequence, expelled from the Party by its Congress in July, 1912. The Party now faced a severe crisis. Of 38 deputies, 16 joined the Reformist Party, which, though it has since gained considerably in membership and Parliamentary influence, has not grown nearly as fast as the Socialist Party,