Workingmen's Party, the acknowledged representative of the Irish unions. This party's efforts to elect representatives to various town councils met with unexpected success. In Dublin the Workingmen's Party has elected seven of the eighty representatives; it also has six town representatives in Sligo, four in Wexford, and three in Waterford. While these working-class parties did not, officially, take part in the rising of 1916, some of their ablest leaders, Connolly, Skeffington, and others were executed for participation in the rebellion.

The Irish Trade Union Congress, the central organization of the Irish trade unions, was founded in 1894. Its affiliated bodies number between 60 and 70, and include a number of definitely Irish trade unions and trades councils, together with Irish sections of trade unions with headquarters in Great Britain. The Congress discusses general industrial and legislative measures. In 1913 it was decided to organize a distinct Irish Labor Party to deal with the political organization of Ireland in view of the expected Irish Parliament. The outbreak of the war and the postponement of Home Rule has prevented this plan from being carried out. The strongest of the Irish labor unions, the Transport Workers Federation which conducted the memorable transport workêrs general strike in Ireland, was founded by James Larkin, who has become one of the most powerful figures in the Irish labor movement. Larkin has been, for more than a . year, in the United States.

The Labor Party, 1, Victoria Street, London, S. W.

Independent Labor Party, St. Budes House, Fleet Street, London, E. C.

Socialist Party of Great Britain, 193, Gray's Inn Road, London, W. C.

Socialist Labor Party, 50, Renfreu Street, Glasgow. The Fabian Society, 25, Tothill Street, Westminster, London, S. W.

British Socialist Party, Chandos Hall, 21a Maiden Lane, Strand, London, W. C.

In the coming age of complete industrial organization international boundary lines will cease to be even imaginary.

GREECE.

Constitutional monarchy; Chamber of deputies, elected by restricted manhood suffrage.

Greece, in the last decade, has seen rapid growth in the Socialist movement, from a very weak and ineffective beginning. As early as 1885 there were attempts at Socialist organization by Dr. Drakoules, a Greek who had been brought up in Paris. In 1893 4,000 Socialist votes were polled in Athens. In 1901 Dr. Drakoules was elected to Parliament, where he was active during two terms of the Legislature. In 1904, Socialist votes numbered 7,800, in 1910 34,000, in 1912 28,000 and in 1914 12,000. Since the government in power can always materially influence the outcome of each election, mere figures can hardly give a correct impression of the Greek movement.

The agitation of Dr. Drakoules has not succeeded in creating a really proletarian movement, but a kind of nationalist democratic reform party. It is not surprising, therefore, that the demagogue Venizelos easily succeeded in capturing a large part of the Drakoules Socialist Party for his Greater-Balkan plan, which bore a certain resemblance to the Balkan Federation advocated by the Socialists. It was this section of the Socialist movement which declared with Venizelos for participation in the war on the side of the Allies and again at the bidding of Venizelos-declined to take part in the 1915 election. Drakoules was expelled from his own party in July, 1915, because he directly agitated for war. The Labor Federation, the smaller Socialist Party which had its' seat in Salonika, adopted a strictly anti-militaristic international attitude and agitated energetically for the preservation of Greek neutrality. This Party, which has joined the Inter-Balkan Socialist Federation and the Zimmerwald Conferences, sent a communication to the Convention of the Bulgarian "Narrow" Socialist Party in August, 1915, in which it severely censured the imperialistic plans of Germany, England and Russia, for acquiring power in the Balkan states. This letter unloosed the persecution of the Greek government upon the young party, and thereby made its cause still more popular.

The Socialist Party publishes a weekly bulletin. The Labor Federation has no regularly published organ.

The labor union movement of Greece is concentrated in the Labor Federation of Athens and Piraeus with which are affiliated 17 industries. Besides these are a number of so-called yellow unions, as well as a third, Socialist group, to which, on January 1st, 1916, belonged 37 unions, mostly local in character.

The addresses are:

Socialist Party, 40 Rue du Pirée, Athens.
Labor Federation, P. Dimitratos, Salonika.

HOLLAND.

Constitutional monarchy; First Chamber: 50 members elected for nine years by the provincial States from amongst the most highly assessed inhabitants; Second Chamber: 100 members, elected by all male citizens not under 25 years, who are either householders or pay one or more direct taxes. Elected for four years.

Holland has shown a rapid development in the direction of the modern industrial state, and at the same time a strong growth within the Socialist and Labor movements.

The Social Democratic Labor Party was founded in 1894. The following will give an idea of its growth:

1897.... 13,000 votes, 3 Rep. 1901.... 38,279 votes, 8 Rep.

1905.... 65,743 votes, 7 Rep. 1913....144,000 votes, 19 Rep.

In 1913 the S. D. L. P. comprised 373 branches, with a membership of 15,667. Het Volk, the only daily paper of the party, had a circulation of 28,000 in 1912, the Socialist Woman's organ, a circulation of 5,500. There are also 27 weekly papers. The Party had 2,047 women members. In 1912, 767,050 leaflets and pamphlets were issued. The Young Socialist movement of Holland is as yet very weak. There were only 18 circles with a small membership.

The provincial states elected 52 Socialist representatives; 247 Socialists were elected to municipal assemblies. A number of mayors were elected, some of them in large cities. In the upper House the Party has two representatives. One of these is van Kol.

After the election of 1913 resulted in a majority of 55 Liberals and Socialists, the Democratic-Liberal deputy, Dr. Bos, who was entrusted with the formation of a Coalition Ministry, offered the Socialist Party three seats, promising that the new Ministry would at once plan for a constitutional revision providing for general and equal suffrage. The Party Executive decided against the participation of Socialist Party deputies in the ministry, but called a special Party convention to Zwolle, where Troelstra presented a resolution by the majority of the Executive Committee, which favored participation in the ministry, should it prove necessary in order to

secure universal suffrage and old age pension laws. This resolution was voted down. Another resolution was adopted, by 375 against 320 votes, to the effect that "a party like the Socialist Labor Party, which in its origin, its nature and its aims, is diametrically opposed to the political domination of the capitalist class, is under no obligation to join a capitalist ministry. The S. L. P. has, under the circumstances, done its full duty in the struggle for universal suffrage and old age pension laws by its promise to support any government, which shall provide for the establishment of these reforms."

When war seemed inevitable, Troelstra announced in the Chamber of Deputies in the name of the Social Democratic representatives, that they would vote the funds necessary for the mobilization of the Dutch forces because they realized that only by so doing, could the neutrality of Holland be assured. At the same time he emphasized the unalterable purpose of the Party, to oppose, with every means in its power, any aggressive participation in the war. On August 26, Troelstra made a further announcement in the Lower House, expressing the desire of the Social Democracy, that the Peace conditions "shall expressly guarantee the independence of the nations of Europe," although the S. D. L. P. recognizes that "no lasting peace is possible, that only by the formation of an International of Labor of the free people of Europe can all capitalistic struggles for power and profit cease, and all wars be made impossible."

In addition to the S. D. L. P. Holland has had since 1909, a Social Democratic Party, which to-day counts over 600 members. Its official organ is The Tribune. This party, which sent representatives to the Zimmerwald Conferences, claims that "it alone represents the Marxian principles which were, at one time, supported by the S. D. L. P., which has, however, completely abandoned them." To this party belong prominent Socialist writers, who have helped to influence the general Socialist movement in Holland.

The labor movement is badly split up. Besides the Federation of Trade Unions, which was founded by the S. D. L. P. and which sympathises with its general attitude, there are Protestant, Catholic and so-called Independent in reality anarchistically inspired-unions, which work in active opposition to each other. The relative strength of these unions is as follows:

The organizations affiliated with the Federation of Trade Unions are constantly increasing in membership. On August 1, 1914, they reported a membership of 90,000, on July 1, 1915, a membership of 91,433.

Holland suffered so severely from unemployment when the war first broke out, that a special Trade Union Congress was held on November 8 and 9, 1915. These figures indicate the extent of unemployment in Holland at the time:

The diamond cutters, one of the best organized trades, suffered particularly. In the last two years from 50 to 90% of its members were always unemployed. Their organization alone, paid over 1,000,000 gulden unemployment benefit.

Social legislation in Holland is as yet backward. The compulsory invalid and old age pension system of 1913, and municipal unemployment insurance, fashioned after the socalled Ghent System, are noteworthy exceptions. The latter comprises an allowance of 100 per cent. added by the municipalities to the sum set aside by the trade unions, which averages 3 gulden a week. Only 30 municipalities, however, have thus far co-operated in this. The system is administered by the "Unemployed Council" under the auspices of the government, the trade unicus being represented. At the outbreak of the war, the government made the following provisions in regard to unemployment: the trades unions funds to pay benefits to all members, and municipal unemployment funds to grant an additional 100 per cent. If the trade union fund goes down to 25 per cent. of the capital owned on August 1, 1914, the State and municipality will take over the paying out instead. If the expenses incurred by the municipal fund exceed the amount provided in the municipal estimates by 75 per cent., the state refunds half the sum. The allowance is not to exceed 5 or 6 gulden a week for a married man or breadwinner. Others, above 20, receive 4 or 5 gulden; those between 18 and 20 from 2 to 21⁄2 gulden.

About 50 per cent. of all organized workers are insured in this way against unemployment.

The Secretary of the Social Democratic Labor Party is G. G. van Kuyhof, 16 de Genestetsraat, Amsterdam.

The Secretary of the Labor Federation is J. Oudegeest, Reguliersgracht 80, Amsterdam.

Professor E. R. A. Seligman, in "Principles of
Economics," p. 136.

"The Socialist asks for the abolition of private property in the means of production while retaining it in articles of consumption.”