Austrian socialist labor movement began to make itself felt in the early seventies of the last century, but could not elect a representative to the Austrian Parliament until 1901. Tremendous exertions and a strong organization were necessary to elect ten men, every one of whom was elected in the voting-class set aside for the workers. With this success the struggle began for the democratization of the highly reactionary, plutocratic and at the same time feudalistic suffrage laws.

In January, 1907, after a threat of a general strike, the democracy was successful. In May of the same year the first elections under the general and direct suffrage laws were held, and 87 Social-Democratic representatives were returned, polling 1,041,948 votes. The hopes which this victory roused were bitterly disappointed. Before the Parliamentary machine could begin to work nationalistic struggles broke out with renewed vigor and made all social and democratic reform impossible. The Social Democratic Party, which had gone into the suffrage fight full of revolutionary spirit, began to show signs of opportunism. The natural desire of the parliamentary group and of the party leaders to rescue something, at least, from the unfortunate parliamentary situation, led to a period of "practical politics." The election of 1911 brought a slightly increased vote. The number of representatives fell to 82. Another element that helped to weaken the Austrian movement was nationalistic controversy in the ranks of the party itself. After years of harmonious work, Czech (Bohemian) labor unions were created, in opposition to the general socialist labor unions and carried the nationalist fight into the class-conscious labor movement. In consequence the whole Bohemian Social Democracy separated from the general party; the Reichsrath group was broken up and all comradely relations broken off. The International Congress at Copenhagen decided against the separatists, but this in no wise altered the situation. In the Congress of Vienna, to be held in 1914, the question was again to be discussed. The struggle has since lost much of its bitterness.

The Social-Democracy of Austria consists of two large groups, the German group, which had, before the war, 1,369 branches and a membership of 145,524, and the Bohemian group, with 2,473 branches and 144,000 members. There are also Polish, South Slavic, Italian, Croatian, and Ruthenian movements, which all, with two exceptions, have representatives in the Reichsrath.

The German-Austrian Party Press consists of 29 newspapers, of which, since the war, five are dailies, four appear three times, 9 twice and eleven once a week. The other groups published 31 papers, 4 of them dailies. Besides there are the scientific monthly Der Kampf, the Arbieterinnen-Zeitung

Der Abstinent, Bildungsarbeit and Die Gluehlichter, a Socialist humorous paper which has remained international, and Der Junge Arbeiter, conducted by Dr. Daneberg for the Young Socialist movement.

On March 25-28, 1916, a national conference of the German Austrian Party was held in Vienna, attended by 246 delegates. The Party Secretary, Skaret, submitted a report. The party membership has suffered severe numerical losses. Victor Adler, the much admired and gifted leader of the Austrian Social Democracy, spoke on “Austria after the war," maintaining_that the experiences of the war had proved that the Social Democracy need not change its line of thought. The summoning of Parliament and the restriction of the political autonomy of the crown-lands in favor of the nation were his chief demands. In regard to the International, Adler declared that the International always was, and could never be anything more than a Federation of nationally organized parties, each one working within its own national boundaries, each one setting the interests of its own proletariat above all other interests, each striving, in the interests of its own proletariat for a union of the proletariat of the world. The revival of the International after the war will, he added, "be no simple task. There will be some who will not be able immediately, to shake off the effects of the terrible struggle. But after the war, perhaps even during the war, it will be possible to establish relations between the parties of all nations. There will come difficulties, and long discussions, but we shall find each other again, because we must find each other." His speech and his resolution justified the national war policy as to-day upheld by most of the national socialist parties.

Adler was opposed by his son, Friedrich Adler, the editor of Der Kampf, who presented a resolution, which stands firmly upon the position of the anti-war opposition. "The traditional position of the majority of the Socialist parties toward war is responsible for the present split in the unity of the labor movement." The resolution welcomes, therefore, the attempts of the minorities of the Socialist parties, to give expression to international solidarity even in time of war. "The unity of the Socialist organizations of the world," the resolution goes on, "can be assured only when the Socialists of all countries recognize as binding, decisions of the international congresses in all international questions." This resolution was lost, only fifteen votes being cast in its favor.

Thus the war policy of the Austrian Social Democracy was endorsed, though it had, after the Austrian declaration of war against Serbia, refused all responsibility for the war

and had only later recognized the war as one of national defense, when Russia went to Serbia's assistance. In July, 1915, the German-Austrian Social Democracy had published a peace manifesto which expressed the earnest desire of the people for peace. But this failed to satisfy the opposition, which in December, 1915, answered in another manifesto which attacked the party for its attitude toward the war, and for its unquestioning support of the government, which had rewarded the laboring class with brutal repression. Besides Friedrich Adler, Danneberg, Hilferding, the recently deceased Winarski, Gustav Eckstein, who died on July 30, 1916. at Zuerich and Theresa Schlesinger-Eckstein, many well known men and women of the Austrian movement, are members of the opposition. With Victor Adler are Pernerstorfer, Renner, Ellenbogen and Adelheid Popp.

The Austrian labor union movement is closely allied with the party organization. There are 428.000 members. 58.000 of them women, and including 322.000 Germans, 70.000 Bohemians (Czechs). 20,000 Poles. 9.000 Italians, 6.000 Slavs and 1.000 Ruthenians. The separatist Bohemian movement has 85.000 members. There are, also, Christian, i. e. Catholic, organizations with 80.000 members.

The socialist labor union press consists of 50 German, 44 Czech 8 Polish, 1 Slovak, 1 Ruthenian and 3 Italian organs. This, alone, shows the difficulties that beset the path of the labor movement in the Austrian nations.

The co-operative movement in Austria, unlike the labor union movement, has made rapid progress in recent years. In 1908 the Central Union of Austrian co-operative organizations numbered 483 branches with 206.620 members, which, in 1909, had increased to 485 branches with 250.160 members. Since then they have grown until in 1914 there were 560 branches with 590.000 members. These co-operatives have large bread factories, the Hammerbrot-Works in Vienna, producing 50.000 loaves of bread. grain mills, etc., etc. There is hardly a city of any size with an industrial population in Austria that is without its co-operative labor organization. The war has, of course, hampered this growth, but it is impossible to destroy it completely.

Secretary of the Austrian Soc. D. L. P.: F. Skaret, Rechte Wienzeile 97, Vienna.

Secretary of the Czech-Slav S. D. P.: Anton Bruha, Hybernska 7 Prag ii, Hungary.

The Secretary of the Gewerkschaftskommission Oesterreichs is: A. Hueber, Rechte Wienzeile 97, Wien.

BELGIUM.

Constitutional Kingdom. Bi-cameral system. Chamber of Repre sentatives: direct and proportional representation, 4 years term. Every male citizen over 25 with 12 months' qualification has one vote, but property and other qualifications give one or two supplementary votes. Failure to vote is a misdemeanor. 186 members. Members receive $800 per year. Senate 120 members; 27 elected indirectly by the provincial Councils: Others are elected on proportional system. Minimum age of elector 30 years. Property and other qualifications give one or two supplementary votes. 8 years term.

In the modern Belgian labor movement, the various divisions of the working-class act together to a degree unknown in any other capitalistically developed country. The Party, the labor unions and the co-operative movement were until the beginning of the war, so closely allied that the divorce of the party organization from this union was seriously considered, in order to give the Party more freedom of action. The outbreak of war prevented the carrying out of this plan.

The Belgian Socialist Labor Party was founded in 1885. It had first to struggle against the plutocratic election laws of the state, but with the labor union, and co-operative movements organized within the party movement, the Party was well equipped from the start with men and funds. Although the labor unions were, for the time, purely local in character, and were built up under the influence of the Socialist Party, their early alliance meant moral and financial support for the Party in its time of greatest need. Although it is difficult to determine the membership of the Belgium S. L. P. because the members of the Socialist Trade Unions and co-operatives are reckoned together. the number of Socialist deputies gives a fairly good picture of how the Belgian movement has grown in spite of the unfair election laws. The Party had representatives in the Chamber of Deputies as follows:

In 1900 there were altogether 166 representatives in the Parliament. After 1910 their number was increased to 186. It is difficult to determine the size of the Socialist vote in Belgium, because of the plural voting system, and further because in many districts, it has been customary for Socialists and Liberals to unite upon one candidate to defeat the

clerical opponent. The following figures have been given, although they can, by no means, be accepted as accurate:

The membership figures given out by the labor unions affiliated with the "Union Commission" (trade unionists who believe in the class struggle) may, however, serve as a guide:

Before the war, there were 1,200,000 men, women and children employed in the industries of Belgium: the labor unions had control of more than 25 papers, 21 of which were monthly, 2 semi-monthly and one weekly organ. Of these 8 were published for 51,740 French, 8 for 36,100 Flemish and 24,000 French and Flemish speaking members. The organ of the Belgian seamen had a circulation of 2,000 and was printed in the Flemish, English and German languages. The largest union is that of the metal workers, with 30,000 members whose organ was printed for 20,000 members in French and for 10,000 in the Flemish language.

The so-called Christian Labor Unions which are organized upon a religious basis by the clericals in the interests of the capitalist class, and are, of course, completely separate from the bona-fide working-class organization, in 1913 claimed a membership of 71,235. The General-Secretary of the Belgian class-conscious labor organizations proved that according to their own financial reports, their membership could not exceed 42,066.

Struggle for Universal Suffrage.

In spite of the numerical strength of the Belgian movement, it was impossible to gain increased Parliamentary influence, as the figures given above clearly show. A general strike for the purpose of forcing concession from the plutocratic government had been a failure in spite of the powerful showing that the labor movement had made and the tremendous fear that it had aroused in the ranks of capital. When, therefore, all later attempts by peaceable means to secure a change in the election laws had failed, the Party and the Labor unions resolved on a special Socialist-Labor Union Congress, held on June 30, 1912, after the election of 1912 had once more disappointed all hopes of increased political

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