beneficial to the working class, none of them received a hearing. The State office through our efficient secretary H. M. Sinclair has always been ready to help us."

The chief bills presented were: several to safeguard the referendum from veto by the Governor, declaration of unconstitutionality, and amendment or repeal by the legislature; several to remedy financial conditions by means of United States loans, State insurance and State banking; the abolition of the State senate; the renting of State land to landless farmers; and the building of public warehouses by counties and their subdivisions.

LEGISLATION IN PENNSYLVANIA.

(Report of James H. Maurer, Assemblyman of the First Legislative District of Berks County.)

In 1910, when I was elected to represent my home district in the State Legislature, our enemies said my election was an accident and that it would never happen again. Besides, standing alone, there was nothing to fear from me. Our friends said, "The 'Lone Socialist' can accomplish nothing and we feel sorry for him."

Our opponents instituted legal proceedings against me, to have my election annulled on the grounds that, before the election I had, in a speech, said that, if elected, I would contribute one-third of my salary to our local tuberculosis sanitorium which I later did. So strong was the protest by the citizens that the politicians begged the Court_to allow them to withdraw the charges against me. The Court finally consented and I was allowed to fill the position to which I had been elected.

During my first two months as a legislator, I did little more than learn the tricks of the legislative game and make friends. Once I felt that I had my legislative feet, I, very modestly, commenced to get into the real work. I introduced several bills; among them, one to abolish the State Constabulary and also the Compensation bill. All my bills were strangled to death in committee.

Someone else also introduced a Workmen's Compensation bill and this one went to a committee of which I was a member. Not being able to get action on my own, I got back of the other fellow's and we did succeed in having it voted on in the House. This meant the beginning of agitation for legislation along this line. But, not until four years later, in 1915, did we succeed in having the law finally enacted.

I soon discovered that party politics played a great part in having laws enacted; that no matter how good my pro

posed measures might be, many old party members would not support them, because they did not want any credit given to a rival organization. I also discovered that, when the capitalist political machine issued orders, men, unhesitatingly, voted against their convictions. My first object lesson was when I fought against a bill which proposed increasing the State Constabulary. Our victory was glorious, having won by a vote of 117 against 70. The interests then woke up and all the powers at their command were brought into action. The machine issued orders and a week later a motion was made to reconsider our action on the Police bill. We fought against it, but our action was reconsidered and a week later the bill was passed by a vote of 113 for the constabulary and 65 against it. The first vote expressed the convictions of the legislators, and the second vote expressed their loyalty to the capitalist machine. I then changed my methods of operation. Bills which I felt had a chance for passage, I gave to others to introduce and I simply encouraged their passage.

Powerful as the machine is, its operation must cost considerable, because small interests seldom get the use of it, or, perhaps, seldom can afford to pay its price. The Merchants' Association, for several sessions, tried to have garnishee bills passed, without the aid of the machine and we succeeded in defeating their every effort. The same is true of the Real Estate men, with their eviction bills.

Less than a year after my first legislative experiences I was elected president of the State Federation of Labor. We, at once, busied ourselves building, an organization capable of combating the machine and, by the time that the 1913 legislative session came along, we were fairly well prepared for the fray. At this session we centered our forces on Woman and Child Labor bills, Workmen's Compensation, Mothers' Pensions, New Department of Factory Inspection and forty other measures of less importance. The Woman Labor, Mothers' Pensions and Factory Inspection bills passed and fourteen other labor measures, including the semi-monthly pay. Besides, we gave the State Constabulary its first thrashing. In fact, we succeeded in defeating every obnoxious measure aimed at labor. And the machine found itself confronted with an enemy which threatened to exterminate it. From that time on, every trick known to the interests and their tools, the politicians, has been resorted to in an effort to destroy the influence of the Federation.

In 1914, I was again elected to the legislature and served during the session of 1915 and am still the "Lone Socialist" legislator of the State. I am also serving my fourth term as president of the State Federation of Labor,

During the 1915 session, we again centered our forces on Child Labor, Workmen's Compensation, State Employ. ment Agencies and some thirty other labor measures. The Child Labor, Compensation and State Employment Agency bills were all enacted and thirteen other labor measures, of less importance. Besides, we brought about the defeat of every bill obnoxious to us, among which was a measure to increase the State Constabulary and some fifteen others. And, of course, the interests, with their political henchmen, are redoubling their efforts to weaken or destroy us. With what success they will meet this year, remains to be seen.

Space only permits me to give the reader a slight idea of the experience of the "Lone Socialist" Assemblyman of Pennsylvania, or the power for good that the State Federation of Labor is. If space permitted, I should like to give the history of our efforts toward, abolishing the old and useless department of Factory Inspection and the establishing of the new department, and of our activities in helping to draft rules and regulations, governing the activities of the new department. In fact, there are many things I should like to write about on this subject.

I might add, however, that those who thought that the "Lone Socialist" could not accomplish anything, have good reasons to change their minds and, had I stood alone as many thought I would, my legislative victories would have been few and far between, but I did not stand alone. Back of me were nearly five hundred thousand organized workers and the Socialist Party, with its assistance and the loyalty of every member. Who couldn't get results under such conditions? The credit for what has been accomplished, therefore, belongs to the rank and file and not to me.

The following are the titles of some of the bills I introduced, some of which are now laws and some of which will be laws if we keep on the job. Some of the other bills, prepared by us but sponsored by other. Assemblymen,, are mentioned above. With others, we only played our part in creating public sentiment, advised in drafting the bills and used the pressure of our organizations to have the law-makers vote for them.

House Resolution, No. 3, petitioning the President and the United States Congress to prohibit the exporting of food supplies and the lending of money to any of the nations now at war.

An Act to repeal the Gunners' License Act.

An Act to abolish the Public Service Commission.

Amending the Act of 1913, providing for the incorporation, regulation and government of Third Class Cities.

To compel employers in certain industries to give employees one day of rest in seven.

Increasing the appropriation for Mothers' Pensions to two millions of dollars.

An act to prohibit house-property owners from renting their houses

to Real Estate Agents and Speculators and invalidating all future contracts between ,owners of house-property and house-renting agents and speculators.

An Act permitting fishing on Sunday.

An Act to regulate advertising for employees during labor troubles and making it compulsory to state that a strike or lockout is then on. Making life-protective provisions for persons working in tunnels, caissons, etc., where compressed air is being used.

An Act authorizing each city in the Commonwealth to prepare, adopt and amend its own charter.

Dealing with Occupational Diseases.

Empowering the Department of Labor and Industry to investigate the question of minimum wages for women and minors.

A Joint Resolution for an amendment to the constitution, providing for the Recall of Public Officers.

A Joint Resolution to amend the constitution and to establish the Initiative and Referendum.

An Act empowering the Commissioner of Labor and Industry to appoint fifty additional inspectors and increasing the clerical help in the department.

Making it not unlawful to organize and do anything collectively that may legally be done singly.

Making an appropriation of two millions of dollars to be expended in public work so as to employ those suffering from lack of employment. Providing for taking care of persons who may be thrown out of work by a local option bill, until such time as employment shall have been found for them.

Providing for the establishment of a Graduated State Income Tax, limiting incomes to ten thousand a year and thus raising a fund to employ_otherwise unemployed citizens on public works.

Bill to restore to the wife the full right of the three-hundred-dollar law.

Bill to protect motormen and conductors against perils of open vestibule cars and running boards.

Bill for State ownership of coal mines and providing for the sale of coal at cost-price for domestic purposes.

Bill to abolish State Constabulary.

Bill for Semi-Monthly Pay.

Bill to pension the blind.

III. MUNICIPAL.

In 1910 Milwaukee elected a Socialist administration under Mayor Seidel. It failed of re-election owing to a fusion of the two old parties, but the Socialist vote has grown steadily and in 1916 Daniel Hoan was elected mayor, with Emil Seidel as alderman at large; the Socialists have not, however, a majority in the city council.

The year 1911 brought three other important cities under Socialist rule, Berkeley, California; Butte, Montana, and Schenectady, New York. Mayor Wilson was not reelected in Berkeley; Mayor Duncan was re-elected in Butte, and Mayor Lunn, though failing of re-election, came again into office · in 1916.

As will be seen from the table on a previous page, there were 22 Socialist mayors in the country in 1915. Barre, Vermont, is a municipality that has elected a Socialist mayor in 1916.

THE BERKELEY MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION. (By J. Stitt Wilson, in The Western Comrade, Sept., 1913.)

As a matter of fact Berkeley has never had a "Socialist Administration." There have been a Socialist mayor and one councilman in a board of five. The anti-Socialist majority worked harmoniously with us on general municipal matters, but stood pat for capitalism each time we presented a genuine Socialist proposition.

In this paragraph I can only make a list of the important municipal improvements which has marked my administration in Berkeley. I copy the list from my annual report to the City council on vacating the office:

1. Municipal incinerator.

2. Municipal garage and ambulance.

3. Municipal laboratory.

4. Municipal employment bureau.

5. Perfection of the police flashlight system.

6. Additional fire department.

7. New heating apparatus.

8.

Extensive street improvements.

9. Spotless town campaigns.

10. New corporation yards.

11. Passing sewer bonds.

Just a word about municipal finances. When I entered the city hall of Berkeley we had but $12,000 surplus in the general fund. At the close of my first year we had a net balance of $27,000. When I took charge, the total funds available from all sources was $32,000, but I left for my successor $60,000, besides $50,000 in the treasury for the incinerator. One of the attacks made during our campaign was that the Socialists would ruin the finance of the city; that the candidate for mayor was a good "talker," but "what business could he attend to?" This criticism was soon silenced. The finances of the city of Berkeley were never in better condition and everybody knows it.

Moreover, strange to say, I introduced an amendment to the city charter providing that the tax rate might be raised to $1.00 for purely municipal purposes; that is an increase of 25 cents. I wrote and talked and worked for this increase and the people carried it by a big majority. We did not raise the rate, but simply provided for a raise by charter amendment for future emergencies.

THE BUTTE MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION. (From an account of his administration by Mayor Lewis Duncan in the Kokomo Socialist, November, 1913.)

We found a bankrupt city on our hands in 1911. We