were intolerable, and would lead, if continued, to the people of Germany taking their destinies into their own hands. Many seeds have been sown within the last few weeks: how they will germinate and fructify will be an interesting study. It is worthy of note that the home of militarism and of absolute government is the Protestant kingdom of Prussia. The parts of the German Empire which are Catholic are also the parts in which more liberal views are held, and from which the severest criticism of the recent manifestations has emanated.

No very marked change has taken place in the foreign relations of the Empire. The Triple Alliance remains as effective as ever. The Military Mission to Turkey became a subject of discussion with Russia-a discussion which led to a modification of its terms, but has not resulted in any alteration in the relations of the two Empires. The events that have taken place in Alsace, owing to the self-control of the French press, have left the governments of the two countries in their accustomed attitude one to another. With Great Britain there is no doubt that considerable improvement has taken place. It is, indeed, true that Mr. Lloyd George's suggestion of a limitation of armaments met with no favor in Berlin. But the German Ambassador to Great Britain is making himself almost as much at home in that country as Mr. Page has done, giving addresses at public meetings, opening institutions, and presiding on convivial occasions; and everywhere he is trying to foster good will and peace between the two countries-a good will which the coöperation during the Balkan crisis had greatly furthered.

The German government is satisfied with the social and fiscal condition of the Empire. Social legislation has been brought to what the Minister of the Interior declares to be "a sort of end." There has been a wonderful growth of industry, trade, and wealth, and the position of the working classes has greatly improved. Wages have risen more than prices. The economic position is so satisfactory that no tariff changes are desirable. Financially Germany is stronger than ever. This was shown by the fact that the recent loan for one hundred millions issued by the Prussian government was subscribed for sixty times over; while for the Empire no loan is required. After a series of mistakes in the management of her colonies, which in extent reach nearly a million square miles, Germany, according to experienced observers, is adopting a sober policy of commercial exploitation, which gives prospect of an era of prosperity. Instead of trying to exterminate the native

races, an effort is to be made to shape them into skillful and intelligent workers, and to increase their numbers for the mutual benefit.

The Balkans.

Several questions still remain to be settled before anything like stability is established in the Balkans. The first of these is the possession of the Ægean Islands. These are now, as the result of the wars between Italy and Turkey, and Turkey and the Balkan States, in the possession of Italy and Greece. The Treaty of London left it to the Great Powers to decide upon the ultimate possessors of these islands, with the stipulation, or at least the understanding, that none of them should be given to any one of their number. This prevents the retention of them by Italy, which ranks now as a Great Power. She claims, however, the right to retain them until compensation is made by Turkey for the expenses which have been incurred by their occupation. Turkey, however, somewhat naturally, objects to being forced both to lose the islands and to pay for losing them. Italy, while not claiming payment in money, insists on equivalent concession. It is not yet clear whether this may not prove a cloak for permanent retention.

It was the British government that took the initiative of the attempt to solve the question. It proposed that, subject to certain guarantees, the sovereignty of Greece over the islands which she occupied during the war should be recognized, except in the cases of Imbros and Tenedos. These, on account of their being at the mouth of the Dardanelles, are to be restored to Turkey. As for the islands in the occupation of Italy, the note assumes that Italy will, as stipulated by the Treaty of Lausanne, duly deliver them up to Turkey. When this is done the suggestion is made that these islands shall receive some form of autonomous government. The British proposals were supported warmly by France and Russia, and in their main features by the Triple Alliance. Turkey, however, was by no means pleased with the proposals that all the islands in Greek occupation, with the exception of Imbros and Tenedos, should be handed over to Greece. The two islands, Chios and Mytilene, which lie within a few miles of the Anatolian coast, she declared to be necessary for her self-defence. At a subsequent date, Turkey expressed a readiness to compensate Greece for the loss of the two last-named islands by the cession of most of the islands now in the occupation of Italy upon their evacuation.

Albania still presents many questions difficult to solve. Its southern boundary, as drawn by the Powers, leaves more than one hundred thousand Greeks within the borders of the new State. Nor is this district yet evacuated by the Greek troops, which rescued the district from the domination of the Turks. Small difficulty is anticipated in securing the evacuation by the troops, but the Greeks left behind swear by everything sacred that they will never submit to Albanian rule. Then the question arises whether the Albanians themselves will submit to any rule. Within the brief space since their liberation, five or six different and opposed governments have been established in various parts of the country. The Provisional Government established some eighteen months ago has resigned, having given over its functions to the International Commission of Control. In addition to the internal candidates for the privilege of ruling within this small State, a vessel arrived not long ago, bringing Turkish soldiers to establish the rule of an external claimant, the former Turkish War Minister, Izzet Pasha. This attempt, however, was frustrated by the arrest of all its members, The Prince nominated by the Powers has not yet arrived, nor, when he comes, will he find either a capital or a revenue. house is being prepared for him at Durazzo. He is said to have laid down as a condition of his coming, a guarantee by the Powers of a loan in order that he may enter upon the task of carrying on the government.

A

Bulgaria is rent asunder by an internal conflict, the reasons for which it is hard for outsiders to understand. The misfortunes of the country are doubtless the predisposing cause. The govern

ment, after a resignation which showed that its place could not be supplied, was reconstructed, but was unable to carry on the necessary business. The Sobranye was therefore dissolved, and Bulgaria is now on the eve of a new election, which may or may not bring about a more satisfactory situation. A State trial of members of the former Stambolovist Cabinet, including General Savoff, the Commander-in-Chief during the war with Turkey, adds to the confusion. King Ferdinand himself is not without enemies who wish for his abdication.

Upon one thing, however, there is complete agreement, an agreement shared not only by the Balkan States, but by their enemy Turkey. They all want money, and they are all seeking to negotiate loans.

Turkey.

The hope that Turkey would cease to be a source of anxiety has been completely frustrated. If it had been driven out of Europe, there was some prospect that a common policy would have been adopted by the Great Powers; but when Adrianople was left in Turkey's possession, they all became rival suitors at her gate for concessions of various kinds which they coveted. The most important of these is that which has been granted to Germany. As it was at first constituted, to a German General was given the command of the First Army Corps which has its headquarters in Constantinople, and which in fact forms its garrison. The French and Russian press declared this to be equivalent to the conferring of an unlimited military dictatorship. So strong was the opposition offered by the Russian government, supported by those of France and Great Britain, that Turkey found it necessary to restrict, in some degree, the powers of the Military Mission. General Liman von Sanders, its head, will hand over the actual command of the First Army Corps to a Turkish General, and will confine his own functions to the Inspector-Generalship of the army, and of the military schools, with, it is expected, his headquarters at either Adrianople or Smyrna. The German Chauvinist press declare this to have been a defeat of German policy. On the other hand, there are those who declare that the arrangement, even in its modified form, gives undue advantage to that country. Germany, in fact, has become a dominating power over the Turkish Empire, and has thereby departed from the implicit compact which during the recent crisis restrained each Power from seeking to gain any special privileges.

Efforts were made sometime ago by Russia and Germany to secure for the Armenians the reforms which have been so long promised. Their loyalty although when used with reference to Turkey, to use this word is almost a desecration during the Balkan War, gave them a strong claim to consideration. The state of the Armenians is so unsatisfactory that unless reforms are made, intervention is inevitable. The proposals of Russia and Germany involved, as an essential condition, an international administration of the districts inhabited by the Armenians. To this foreign control, however, the Turkish government is unwilling to give its consent. Low as it has fallen, it will not accept anything that limits its independence. Any proposal that smacks of intervention will be categorically refused.

Even the modified proposal, that Turkish governors should be appointed with two European advisers, has not been accepted. All that Turkey has up to the present been willing to do, is to place the gendarmerie of that region under an officer lent by the British government.

The failure so far to secure an acceptance of these proposals, is doubtless due to the fact that the extreme party, represented by the Committee of Union and Progress, has gained complete control of Turkish affairs. The clearest sign of this is the appointment of Enver Bey to be Minister of War. To Enver Bey's hardihood and aggressive spirit was chiefly due the re-taking of Adrianople, as well as the resistance made to Italy in her compaign in Tripoli. He is said to have at heart the desire to emulate Napoleon, a statuette of whom is the object of his daily contemplation. He is also a warm friend of Germany, and a man of an uncompromising military temperament. No sooner had he entered upon his duties, than he placed upon the retired list some four hundred and sixty officers, because they did not come up to his standard of efficiency, although in the number were included Ghazi Shukri Pasha, the defender of Adrianople, Torgud Shevket Pasha, and Mahomed Mukhtar Pasha, some of the most distinguished generals in the Turkish Army.

Another instance of the aggressive spirit recently manifested by Turkey, is the purchase of a Dreadnought from the Brazilian government. The extreme anxiety to secure this accession to the navy is shown by the fact that in order to pay for it, money was borrowed, for which twelve and one-half per cent interest had to be paid. The determination to increase the navy is also shown by the promulgation of a law authorizing the appropriation for one month of all official salaries for the benefit of the fleet. The desire is not confined to the government, for great enthusiasm has been shown by the people throughout the Turkish Empire. Meetings have been held, and large subscriptions collected, for the purchase of a second Dreadnought.

If it is asked what Turkey has in view in this reorganization of the army and increase of the navy, it may be said, without much danger of error, that an attack on Greece is contemplated. The Committee of Union and Progress was born at Salonika, and it aspires to regain the possession of that city. It is even possible that Bulgaria may become an ally, although this is denied. The fact that money is required for such an attempt, and that this can only

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