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a position of political and social influence equal to man's," and would substitute for marriage "free sexual union" . . . . . . 163

The principlo upon which those three authorities found

themselves is the equality of woman with man . 165

No doubt all members of the human race are equal as

persons ....... 166

But with this fundamental equality coexist vast inequalities, arising from the degrees of personality, and the conditions in which it exists. Equality is not identity, and woman's personality is diverse from man's . . . . . .167

The psychical distinction between the sexes is as evident as the physical. Taking women in general, it inay be truly said that in them sentiment predominates over sense, imagination over reason; that in the logical and scientific faculties they are vastly inferior to men; that their emotions are stronger, while their will is weaker; that they are markedly deficient in the power of comprehending truth and justice under the pure form of principles and ideas, apart from persons and things. In these respects they are unequal to man, and in this inequality is the ground of their natural subjection to him; not a servile subjection, but, as Aquinas puts it, "an economic or civil subjection" . , . . 168

"Woman is not undevelopt man, but diverse." The diversity of personality causes diversity of rights. It is to woman as a person that rights attach. Those rights vary in different degrees of civilization. They vary according to age and position. They arc ever conditioned by duties, which are their correlatives. They are all portions or aspects of

SUMMARY. xxix

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the one great inalienable right to realize personality,
to develope the perfect character in such measure as
heredity and environment allow . . . 169

As the right of the man is to be fully man, so the right
of the woman is to be fully woman. That is the claim
which justice makes for her. What harms distinc-
tive womanhood, must be reckoned, not among her
rights, but among her wrongs. . . .170

This is the true first principle which should serve as the criterion whereby to judge the specific claims made for woman in the name of her rights . . 17]

Would it not harm distinctive womanhood if she were on the same footing as men in respect of public life? It seems unquestionable that the effect of woman's participation in elections, and of her presence in Parliament, would be largely to unsex her . . 171

The same must be said of most of the callings traditionally reserved for men. Thus, for the practice of the law, women, in general, are gravely disqualified by their singularly unjudicial habit of mind. It would not be easy to convert women from feeling to reasoning animals; and well-nigh all that is pure womanly would perish in the process . . . .174

Still less in keeping with the attributes of distinctive

womanhood is the profession of medicine and surgery.

A young woman can hardly go through the instruction

. necessary to qualify for it, without detriment to the

modesty which is the chief ornament of her sex . 17.5

It is crged that the two sexes are unequal in their sexual relations, and that this inequality is wrong. We are told that breach of chastity should be regarded

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as equally heinous in both, and that the stringency of
the marriage tic should be relaxed in favour of
female freedom. But assuredly it would harm dis-
tinctive womanhood if chastity were considered as
of no more consequence in woman than in man. And
an utterly indissoluble union, a "consortium omnis
vitae," is the only true guarantee of woman's wifely
dignity, and the first of her rights . . 176

It remains to speak of the co-education of the two sexes.
The best education for woman is that which best
fits her intellectually and physically for her work in
the world. In woman's education distinctive woman-
hood should ever be kept in view. There is strong
evidence that the acquisition by women of certain
virile faculties, through participating in virile educa-
tion, is usually purchased by the impairment of her
feminine attributes, physical as well as psychical . 179

Dr. Maudsley has well summed the matter up. "While woman preserves her sex, she will necessarily be feebler than man, and having her special bodily and mental characteristics, will have, to a certain extent, her own sphere of activity. When she has become thoroughly masculine in nature, and hermaphrodite in mind—when, in fact, she has pretty well divested herself of her sex—then she may take his ground and do his work; but she will have lost her feminine attractions, and probably, also, her chief feminine functions" . . . .182

The specification of the sexes is at once the most poetical and the most pract ical outcome of human evolution. To destroy it is the enterprise upon which the champions of the Women's Rights movement are, perhaps unconsciously, engaged . . . 184 SUMMARY. xxxi

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That the enterprise will succeed is incredible. "What was decided among the prehistoric Protozoa cannot be annulled by Act of Parliament" . . . 184

CHAPTER VII.

SUPPLY AND DEMAND.

A trade crisis: an illustration of the working of the great principle of unrestricted competition regulating the price of things by Supply and Demand—the principle upon which what is current in this country as "Political Economy" hangs .... 188

How the law of Supply and Demand actually operates . 190

This law is the outcome of what Adam Smith called "the obvious arid simple system of natural liberty": it is based upon the assumption that all men are perfectly free and economically equal; which assumption is false . . . . . '193

And it is of such arbitrary assumptions, and of deductions from them, and generalizations of them, that the socalled "Science of Political Economy," constructed by the school of Adam Smith, is largely composed . 194

The master error of the school is that they regard man as a constant quantity in every problem, always wholly governed by selfishness, and make entire abstraction of every other passion nnd motive . . 196

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Bat a "science" thus constructed, by applying the deductive method to this one isolated motive of human nature, and by balancing abstract ideas in an unreal world, is no science at all: it is a pseudo-science . 198

There is a vast difference between an abstract idea and a

principle ...... 200

The speculations of these Political Economists, however they may have intended, have been taken as "rules ready for immediate application in practical politics ": nay, as "a complete philosophy of social and industrial life." The intense individualism of the age has erected them into a sort of Utilitarian Gospel, side by side with which has been introduced a Utilitarian morality; a miserable abortion of morality, emptied of the aboriginal moral idea .... 201

One result of this Gospel according to Bentham, has been the growth of the belief that the accumulation of wealth is tho eurnmum bonum of nations, as of individuals; by "wealth" being meant "all useful or agreeable things which possess exchangeable value." But this is a very false conception of national prosperity. The nation is most prosperous which has the least pauperism; in which the greatest number possible participate in the things necessary for the decent ordering of life .... 203

The practical fruits of the installation of Mammon as " tho master idol of this realm " are (a) the grinding of the poor in tho competition of capitalists, and the consequent antagonism of capital and labour, issuing in strikes and lock-outs, whereby the bonds of national life are being dissolved, and tho conditions of economic prosperity are being destroyed . , , 207

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