adopt, that a full and searching exposure of abuses is not in the contemplation of those who have issued the commission. It would be acting from a false delicacy towards individuals, for whom in their private capacity I can feel nothing but respect, were I to abstain from frankly urging this complaint, and substantiating it by entering into particulars, how painful soever the detail may prove to me. Before I proceed, let me observe, that the attempts made to frustrate the bill entirely; the great mutilations actually performed upon it; the indisposition to pass it even in the least efficient form strongly indicated a disposition unfavorable to the inquiry, and excited the vigilance, if not the suspicions, of its friends towards the manner in which the powers conferred by it should be executed. We are now to see whether those unfavorable impressions have been confirmed or removed.

If the first object of the ministers had been to render the act as effectual as possible, they would naturally have listened to the recommendation of the committee in the formation of the board. It was known to every person that the individuals suggested by us, were selected solely, because they appeared to be the best qualified for the office. No suspicion had for a moment existed in any quarter indeed: the composition of the committee made it impossi ble to suspect, that party views had influenced us in the suggestion of a single name. At all events, there would have been no impropriety in the noble secretary of state conferring with some of us who had applied closely to the business. The prerogative of the crown is not supposed to suffer, nor the dignity of its ministers to be lowered, by freely communicating with members of the house of commons for other purposes. Where could have been the harm in consulting a committee indiscriminately taken from all parts of the house, upon a matter which had occupied so much of their attention? His lordship thought otherwise; of the gentlemen pointed out by us, only two have been put in the commission; and these, I have reason to think, by no means through our recommendation, but doubtless from the accident, a fortunate one for the public, of their having more favored patrons.

Of the other paid commissioners, I have understood that some look forward to the duties of the office as quite compatible with those of a most laborious profession; while others are supposed to regard the existence of abuses generally, in any establishment, with an unwilling, if not incredulous mind. Nay, I have reason to believe, that one very respectable member of the board has publicly professed an opinion, that a great anxiety for the welfare of the poor is symptomatic of Jacobinism. Exclusive devotion to professional vocations, is a meritorious frame of mind; but does not perhaps very naturally point a man out as fit for a second occupa

tion. A fond disposition to find every thing right in our political system; an aversion to believe in the existence of defects; a proneness to charge with disaffection those who spy them out; a tendency to suspect all who busy themselves for the poor as influenced by sinister motives, and even as contrivers of political mischief, these, for aught I know, may be praiseworthy feelings; or amiable weaknesses; or excusable mistakes; and far be it from me to think the worse of any man who is honestly influenced by what may seem the least rational of such propensities. But then I must take leave to think that they form very indifferent qualifications for sitting at a board, the object of which is to pry into abuses, to expose errors and malversations, and to drag forth to public view, those who have robbed the poor of their rights. Persons under the influence of such impressions will enter upon their inquisitorial functions with a disposition to find ground of justification rather than of charge; will reluctantly open their eyes to truths which thwart their favorite prejudices; and feel desirous that their inquiries should convict of exaggeration the statements now before the public.

That the choice of my Lord Sidmouth has been guided by this consideration, or by any wish to quiet the fears of charitable trustees, I am far from asserting; on the contrary, I rather believe, that the usual motives may have influenced the appointments, favor towards similarity of political sentiments, and the wish to oblige political connexions. But it seems impossible to maintain that his lordship passed over certain names by mere accident. These omissions require further notice, as throwing light upon the spirit in which ministers are executing the act.

The committee had in their report strongly recommended to the attention of parliament, and of the ministers, two professional gentlemen, to whose voluntary assistance they had been greatly indebted during the course of their inquiries. I allude to Mr. Parry and Mr. Koe. Of their eminent qualifications to fill the place of commissioners, every one who attended to our proceedings was aware. The case of Mr. Parry was indeed peculiarly strong. It happened that he had for some years devoted himself privately to the very investigation which the board was to prosecute. He had been occupied in examining the abuses in the Berkshire charities, upon which he has just published a valuable treatise. He was the very man for the new office; he was a commissioner, if I may so speak, ready made to our hand; he was trained to the business by a lucky coincidence; he was by this accident, the only man who could be found to unite experience with the other qualities required; and all of which he also possessed. Nor had he any of the drawbacks which might be supposed to prevent his appointment. He had never mixed in politics at all; his connexions were ministerial; he

was known to the Lord Chancellor, and much esteemed by him; he had, indeed, been promoted by his lordship to the place of commissioner of bankrupt; to the members of the committee he was wholly unknown except by his co-operation; none of us had ever heard his name mentioned until the member for Berks informed us of the similarity of his pursuits. Thus, then, fortune seemed to present a person eminently fitted for the service of the public; and it might have been supposed that Lord Sidmouth would eagerly, avail himself of the opportunity to appoint at least one commissioner whom all men would allow to be well chosen. What were the grounds of his rejection, I am yet to learn. Whether he had incurred the guilt of drawing forth my warm commendations, solely by his own merits; or abounding in all other requisites, he had no friend at court; or that his inquisitorial habits might give alarm to many favored personages; or that his claims stood in the way of illustrious birth united to obscure merit; that the patronage of the home department, was at all hazards to be defended against every inroad of desert as well as of parliamentary recommendation-all we know is the fact, that neither Mr. Parry nor Mr. Koe are in the commission.

or

Among the honorary commissioners, we had been led to hope that Lord Lansdowne and the Bishop of London would appear. It is not easy to find two individuals more admirably qualified for the office, by the union of inflexible integrity with conciliatory temper, and of acute understanding with habits of application to affairs. But I own that in my eyes those distinguished persons were still further recommended by their avowed disposition in favor of the proposed inquiry; and I am therefore the more disheartened, when I find their places supplied by two right reverend prelates, one of whom displayed his irreconcileable hostility to the bill by even voting against its commitment; and the other, his disinclination. towards it, by retiring before the division, in which the bench of bishops took so active a share. These are the only peers whose names I find in the list. Neither Lord Rosslyn, who brought forward the question with such signal ability, nor Lord Holland, nor Lord Carnarvon, who powerfully supported him, are included.2

But I feel myself compelled, however irksome the task, to take notice of another omission. No members of the education com

'The Bishops of Peterborough and St. Asaph.

2 It is singularly unfortunate, that neither the speech of Lord Rosslyn, so replete with important information, as well as sound and enlightened views, on national education, nor that of Lord Holland, worthy of his illustrious kinsman, were reported.

mittee are stationed at the board, to superintend the execution of their own measure, to keep watch for the public, stimulating the doubtful zeal of some, and checking the declared hostility of others; in a word, to give the country a substantial security, that the abuses so loudly complained of shall in good earnest be investigated, and that the commission shall not be changed from an unsparing inquisition, into a thicker cloak than that under which the poor have already been despoiled. It might have been expected that either Mr. Babington or myself, who had taken the principal part in the labors of the committee, would have been placed upon the watch for these purposes. Of Mr. Babington's claims to the office, every one who knows him will admit that I need say nothing. Unfor tunately he has lately by his retirement from public life, added one qualification, which all who have marked the honesty and usefulness of his parliamentary conduct will allow, that the country has cause to lament. After titles to notice, so much higher than any that I can bring forward, had been disregarded, I could hardly feel surprised at my own offer of service being rejected, with silent contempt, by the eminent head of the home department. I was induced to tender myself, by the strong representations of my fellow laborers in the committee. As the office conferred neither emolument, nor patronage, nor power; as it only gave the privilege of hard labor, of which the habits of my life and my zeal for the cause, made it very clear that I should cheerfully take advantage; I imagined that the most implacable species of malice-the spite of peculators trembling for their unjust gains-could hardly impute any selfish views to the application: I therefore openly stated in my place that I was anxious to be an honorary member of the commission. I added, that even if my temporary retirement from parliament were deemed an indispensable condition of the appointment, I still desired to have the option upon those terms; being of opinion that I might render more valuable service to the country by devoting to the proposed inquiry the whole time which I could spare from professional avocations. But I do not find that great leisure is thought necessary for the business of the board. The speaker is at the head of it; and Sir W. Scott is another of its members. Than the former, no man can be a more fit president; but I am not quite disposed to look for very active investigation from the right honorable member for Oxford. He is understood to be decidedly hostile to the bill. His constituents are known to be in general, the warmest enemies of the whole inquiry. That he and Mr. Yorke are named instead of Mr. Babington and myself, I trust I may be permitted to regret with the most perfect respect for two gentlemen whose fair difference of opinion, widely as it separates us, I entirely honor.

That party considerations dictated this decision, I feel unwilling

to believe. In the case of Mr. Babington they could have no weight. In my own, I will venture to say they would be exceedingly misplaced; for I appeal with confidence to every member of the committee, and to every person in government with whom I have had the honor of communicating, to defend me from the suspiicon of having in any one instance shown myself influenced by political feelings during the course of the inquiry. So determined was I to avoid every thing which might lead to such imputations, that I interfered at the Westmorland election to prevent any allusion from being made to the case of St. Bees school, and uniformly refused access to the evidence touching that extraordinary affair, to persons who might use it for the purposes of the contest. It has been suggested that I am omitted because the ministers were apprehensive of my carrying the inquiry farther than they wished it to go. Certainly I should have felt no desire to push it beyond the just limits. I should have only taken care that every abuse was searched to the very bottom, whoever might be engaged in it. One step short of this I should not have consented to stop; farther, there was no occasion to go.

It is necessary to add a remark or two upon the choice of the secretary. That important officer is directed by the act to be named by the.commissioners themselves. The reason is obvious; he ought to be a person possessing their confidence; known to them; selected by them. The law was purposely so framed, and the terms of it explicitly show the intent of the legislature. The secretary of state, however, is understood to have desired the stipendiary commissioners immediately after their nomination, and before the seal was affixed, to reserve themselves upon the appointment of a secretary. It is not to be doubted, that this suggestion was meant as a notice that the home department would recommend a proper person. Accordingly I am informed that Mr. Parry, the omission of whose name at the board had created considerable discussion, has since received intimation that an application by him for the office would be favorably received. If Lord Sidmouth recommends him, it will be a deviation from the act of parliament,' useful no doubt to the public, but only rendered so by his lordship having previously left him out of his proper place at the board. Had he been appointed a commissioner, the minister would have only exercised the patronage vested in him by law; an able ser

The words are (sect. 4.) "The said commissioners are hereby authorised to appoint and employ such secretary as they shall think meet, and to administer to the said secretary an oath for his true and faithful demeanour in all things relating to the due performance of any trust respecting the execution of this act, reposed in him by the said commissioners."