'Let a man ask what is good for society, and who shall answer him? But let him ask what is good for man, and the answer comes precise, clear, and full. The whole then comes under law.

'What is society but a mere framework for the inclusion of so many individual men and women as compose it? If each of these is born under good conditions of health, is properly trained and educated, is secured in due time the enjoyment of natural rights and privileges, such as the power to labour for adequate reward in a suitable occupation, the power to marry, to become a citizen, and to share in what then becomes the one principal business of legislation-the securing that his children shall have like or still greater advantages; if, he says, all these obviously necessary conditions are substantially guaranteed by wise, prudent and beneficent legislation, who afterwards needs to trouble himself about the fate of society?

'Does anybody fear that a universal state of well-being, a state freed from the cruel lotteries of life, but enriched with infinite aspirations and infinite possibilities of realizing them, will prevent by force of law, "good society" from its meetings, scandal, gossip; or interfere in any way with those public operations which are for the public good, except to improve.

them ?

'But reverse the question. Forget the individual and take care of society, and what do you see? Why, just that which is the disgrace of every so-called civilized government—devotion of the strength and resources of the whole people to the comfort and interests of a part—at the top of the social edifice and neglect of the seething, miserable mass of people at the bottom-ignorant, dwelling in pigsties, living a life of unrequited labour while they can labour, then passed on to a workhouse, which, under pretence of being a place of shelter for the poor, is in fact a place for their punishment for the crime of becoming a burden to society, the logic being as exquisite as the humanity.

'No doubt that even on the existing theory it is intended to go gradually downward from the care of society as a whole, to care of its parts, but unluckily the way is so long to humanity and justice at the bottom that they are never reached.

Ask society whether it wants more schools, better systems of education, better houses or higher wages for working-men, freer opportunities for the poor to rise, and it answers by

plunging into a bottomless pit of averages, as though Johnson was cheered by knowing there ought to be a good school for his boy according to the figures; and as if Smith were able to keep off the ravages of hunger by having it clearly explained to him there was an exact average of two quartern loaves a day somewhere expended on him and others according to the figures.

6

This was the leading point of the paper; the next was the necessity of a clean sweep among our officials. Pension them if you like to their heart's content, but remove them, or improvement is hopeless. No system of doing can be carried out by men who have lived on the system of not-doing. It is not merely their intellectual unfitness, or lack of enterprise, but that the not-doing system corrupts the men engaged in it. Perpetually the evils that exist come face to face with the men who ought to deal with them-they do not-and then are driven to deny, to equivocate, and, if necessary, to attack all who see through them.

'The third and last prominent feature was the making all governments consist of an exact series of operations, where there was always, with every mechanical duty to be fulfilled, an ideal aim also to be attained through the mechanism; and lastly, a man responsible for the results. For example:

Can you so govern that poor-law union that the poor shall feel it is for them a real home when needed, and yet not want to stay any longer than they are obliged?

'Can you employ the people in it so that each shall make some sensible use of such faculties as he or she has got, so as at once to lighten the burden of expense, and improve rather than deteriorate the unfortunate inmates?

'Can you distinguish between the sensitive, the ordinary, and the brutal; and that with such success in after-management, that while all complaints shall be honestly heard, few or no complaints shall need to be made?

'Can you realize to yourself the idea of a true poor-law, as intended to guard humanity at its lowest level; to be always striving to raise that level, conscious that even the most benevolent of men may feel some satisfaction when he can say: "We take in all; none can sink below this; then if we take care of these-firmly uphold these at all times and in all circumstances the body and heart of the nation must be sound, and ready to be raised by a thousand different agencies, such

as our illimitable wealth, and skill, and knowledge can enable us to set going?"

'Such are the questions our author would ask of the future governors of our workhouses, while saying to them, "You will have time, counsel, generous help, but you will succeed, or— be displaced!"

So with our prisons, hospitals, asylums, and schools; so with our army and navy; so with our organizers of emigration, co-operation, and of whatever other methods may be found most potent for the lifting of the toiling poor to a state of comparative comfort and culture, when they will only be too glad to take care of themselves.

'And the man who is over all these subordinate or local governors must be under similar conditions. He cannot prevent mismanagement, but he must be responsible for speedy and certain discovery of the mismanagement when it does occur, and for decisive remedies.

The law and philosophy of the whole being-the strong to take care of themselves, but the weak to be cared for with all the skill and might of the state, so that they or their children shall also grow strong.

'Of course this opens a vast field for labour, expense, skill, courage, faith, patriotism, but promises to reward them all by the spectacle of such a people as only the eyes of a man like John Milton has ever seen. Caring for the individual is hard but noble, and wonderfully fruitful; caring for society very easy-almost as easy as the effort is contemptible and impotent. Such, Cunliff, was the spirit of the paper, which branched out into and dealt with all the great departments of public life and duty.

'And who was the author, think you?

'I read with my own eyes the name at the end, and was certainly "dazed," as some old poet says.

'That name was John Cunliff, aged twenty-one, undergraduate of St. John's, Oxford!"

'Have you forgotten all this? I hope so, for how else is one to believe you sane, staying where you now are, for such ends? 'Cunliff, we want you. Come forth out of the Slough of Despond. We want you. I want you. I have some courage -some small talent-some bull-dog tenacity in holding on when I see aught to grab at; but I and all the men I know

need what you only possess the statesman's imagination. A quality as vital to him as to the poet or to the natural philosopher. What are the laws, or the worlds, that a Newton's mental eye can imagine before discovering them (and without which power of imagination be never would have discovered them), to the human laws, and to the human world, which wait the discovery of the statesman?

The time is ripe. England's material supremacy is passing away. A greater England is rising into competition. across the Atlantic, and attracting the eyes of every nation on the globe. The praters cry, "Don't Americanize your institu

tions! Don't follow in the wake of the United States!" But we cannot help ourselves, while they are in advance of us, because in all essential respects the genius as well as the blood of both nations is the same.

'But let us boldly step out. Think as they do for one's self-and think grandly. And then where would we be? Side by side with America, at least. But I too am English, and want-Englishman-like-more than equality of national fame and influence. Will any man dare to tell me that a nation, merely because she is big, and has got an unlimited supply of land, is therefore great? No. America is materially rich and comfortable through her land, but her grandeur springs from the grandeur of her aims. Let it be so with us. Let ours be the grandeur of our ideal life. Let us make a reality of the old delusion about teaching the nations how to liye. With our glorious history, our centuries of culture, our long line of illustrious men, and our possession of the wealth, skill, and material agencies requisite to develop the sublimest national career that poet or patriot ever dreamed of, let us so act that it is the Americans who shall have to croak-" Do not, for God's sake-do not Anglicize our precious institutions!

Cunliff, come to us. Enter Parliament, and I promise you in three years such a success—if you are not yet quite lost in indulgence—as will repay you a thousand times over whatever sacrifices you may have to make of habit or aught else.

'I fear you have dipped deeply into your future income; if so, I have a thousand or two at your service. Don't be ashamed-for yourself-or troubled for me. The cotton-mills are going merrily, to the tune of a clear fifteen thousand pounds profit this year, so the beggar can afford to bleed, you see. 'Now will you come? If not-may the devil take you'FRANCIS ARNOLD.'

as he will.

Yours ever,

It so happened, that the close of the letter-as thus far shown-occurred on the first page of the last sheet of notepaper used, and there was no indication given of any writing beyond. Cunliff therefore remained in entire ignorance for some little time of a somewhat important communication which was annexed. But turning the leaves over with a kind of restless impatience, as a man will who receives an important communication, one suggestive of grave cause for doubt and anxiety, he saw a postscript overleaf, which not a little startled him.

'N.B.-I reopen this to tell you I have just seen Sir George. He is strangely altered for the worse, and is certainly breaking fast. He is conscious of the fact, and spoke of you with a kind of irritable affection, that moved me to attempt a half apology for your long absence from his house; but he became angry and seriously ill, and quite silenced me when he spoke again, by saying, "Oh, he'll turn up, no doubt, in his own time! Depend upon him to pay his last respects to me. Haven't I got what he wants, and which he knows I can't keep from him,-the title and the estates ?" I think you must now take this further fact with you, that you will soon have to emerge, not merely from the Mr. Rymer, but also from the Mr. Cunliff state, and stand forth as an English baronet of great wealth, and greater responsibilities.'

In deep silence, Cunliff, after a pause, put the letter into his pocket and went forth into the cool air to think.

An hour later he wrote to Arnold, saying he should comethat he was just able to say nothing did as yet prevent him --and now that nothing should.

CHAPTER XXX.

EWYN Y RHAIADR.

In the evening of the same day on which Mr. Rymer had been requested to quit Bod Elian, and had received Arnold's letter, he heard, as he sat in his little parlour, Hirell receiving instructions concerning an errand she was to undertake for Elias on the following morning.

She was to purchase some cloth at a little clothmill