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which they had brought with them in their retreat. Finally, they reached the United States arsenal and asked for shelter and protection, which the commandant, fearing that he could not defend the place against an attack of the mob, refused. Leaving their wounded, the Philadelphia troops, no longer hindered by the mob, marched on, crossed the Alleghany River to Sharpsburg, and encamped near the work-house, where they were given bread and coffee, their first food since the snack of the previous afternoon at the Union Station. Through the efforts of Cassatt they were supplied with regular rations; and later they were ordered east to Blairsville (52 miles east of Pittsburg), where, being supplied by Scott with woollen and rubber blankets, they did guard duty for a number of days. During their retreat 3 or 4 had been killed, or died afterward from their injuries, and 13 were wounded; 15 were wounded in the affray at the Twentyeighth Street crossing. The coroner held inquest over 19 bodies of the rioters; it was thought others had been killed and disposed of secretly. Many were wounded.

On Sunday, the 22d, the rioting, with arson and pillage, went on, and in the afternoon the Union Station and Railroad Hotel and an elevator near by were burned. Then as the mob was satiated and too drunk to be longer dangerous, the riot died out; it was not checked. The following incident illustrates the general alarm of that day. The State authorities, driven from the Union Depot Hotel, took refuge in the Monongahela House, the leading hotel in Pittsburg, where they wrote their names in the usual manner in the hotel register; but these were scratched out by the hotel people and fictitious names put in their place. On Monday, through the action of the authorities, supported by armed bands of law-abiding citizens and some faithful companies of the Pittsburg militia, order was restored.

Nevertheless, the business and daily occupations on which depend the life and regulation of an industrial community, were not resumed. Governor Hartranft, alarmed at the seeming anarchy prevailing in his State, was hastening home from the Far West on a special train, and from a telegraph station in Wyoming, on Sunday, July 22, he ordered out the whole militia force of Pennsylvania and called upon the President for

aid. Hayes responded at once, issued his third proclamation, and ordered General Hancock to Philadelphia as the best point from which to survey the whole field. Hancock himself reached Philadelphia on the morning of July 23, receiving that day from the President "full authority to move any troops within your division as you may think necessary during these disturbances." Making use of this enlarged authority, he ordered out the entire available force of the military division of the Atlantic, including the troops in the South.

Governor Hartranft reached Pittsburg on the 24th and stopped overnight. He found the city quiet, but coal was getting scarce and the food supply was running low, hence he made up his mind that the railroads centring in Pittsburg must be opened as soon as possible, although many influential citizens, still a prey to the terror, tried to persuade him to defer the attempt. He issued a stern proclamation, hastened to Philadelphia, and after consultation with Generals Hancock and Schofield (the latter of whom was fresh from a long conference with the President and his cabinet in Washington) developed his plan. Setting out from Philadelphia at two in the afternoon of July 26 with 200 men, he collected troops at various points on the way and proceeded toward Pittsburg. His progress was hampered from the difficulty of obtaining crews to run the several trains which carried the soldiers. In some cases the same engineer and fireman ran the whole distance between Philadelphia and Pittsburg (349 miles); in others crews for the engines and trains were made up from the soldiers of the expedition. Leaving Philadelphia at two on Thursday afternoon, he reached Pittsburg at dawn on the Saturday, a run which is now made by the Pennsylvania Special in seven hours and three minutes. Brinton commanded the van of the governor's force and made his re-entry into Pittsburg with a caution born of his experience of the previous week. An open car with a Gatling-gun and 30 sharp-shooters was placed in front of the two locomotives which drew the cars filled with soldiers, and more sharp-shooters with a Gatling gun were in an open car at the rear end of the train. The governor, who had been in active service during the whole of the Civil War, ending as brevet major

general, assumed command of the whole force (about 4,000) as commander-in-chief of the army of the State. In addition 600 United States regular soldiers, under orders from Hancock, were sent to Pittsburg. The city took on the appearance of an armed camp.

On Thursday (the 26th) the Pennsylvania Railroad people began cautiously to repair the tracks that had been destroyed by the fire during the riot. The mail trains had continued to run, as the strikers and the mob would not interfere with carriage which had at its back the authority of the United States, and the running of mail trains involved a considerable amount of passenger traffic; through passenger trains at least had been operated, though with considerable difficulty. For the most part they were sent over the western Pennsylvania (now the Conemaugh division) which left the main line at Blairsville Intersection; but some of the mails were transferred by wagon round the place of riot and destruction of the terrible Saturday. Under protection of the military the work of repair proceeded rapidly, but when all was ready it was difficult to find employees willing to run the trains. The State authorities, however, had brought from Philadelphia ten competent men, who were at hand for any emergency; and the knowledge that the State was ready to supply its own men to perform railroad service had much influence toward inducing some of the old employees to make a break. On Sunday night, July 29, eight days after the night of riot and terror, the first freight train was sent out on the main line under a military guard, and, although either this one or the one following was wrecked at Spring Hill by a removed switch, the movement was followed up with vigor on the Monday. A succession of freight trains were despatched, all under guard, and there ensued a rush of the striking trainmen to secure their old places. The Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad had already been opened, and the Alleghany Valley resumed operations on this same Monday. The strike at Pittsburg was over. The men on the Pennsylvania Railroad returned to work at the reduced wages which had gone into effect on the first of June. The troops began leaving Pittsburg on July 31, and they were gradually with

drawn; the last of the State militia departed on August 10, but some of the United States regulars remained three weeks longer.

Meanwhile, the strike had spread to a large number of railroads between the seaboard and the Missouri River, and a spirit of unrest and lawlessness had invaded many of the Northern States. New York State, however, did not suffer as acutely as Pennsylvania; nevertheless, the contagion crept over the border. A threatened strike of the last days of June was realized, in fact, on July 20, when the firemen and brakemen on the Western division of the Erie railway struck against the reduction of wages of June, and, concentrating at Hornellsville, stopped all trains, and tore up the tracks to prevent the passage of troops. The Erie was in the hands of a State receiver who was at once furnished troops for his protection by the governor, Lucius Robinson. But the strike spread to other points on the Erie, and also to the New York Central and Lake Shore railroads. On July 23 the governor ordered the whole military force of the State under arms; 16,000 men were in active service during the troubles, and according to the British consul-general, they "seemed determined to do their duty in upholding the law and protecting the rights and property of their fellow-citizens." In most cities of New York the police were efficient, and while there were riotous demonstrations there was only one serious riot (at Buffalo, July 23), and that in comparison with the affrays in Pennsylvania was insignificant. The remembrance of the draft riots of 1863 was still fresh, so that public attention was directed to New York City where there was an army of the unemployed and where the dangerous classes abounded. Considerable anxiety was felt in regard to the public meeting under socialistic and communistic auspices, called for Wednesday evening, July 25, in Tompkins Square. Considering the matter carefully, the mayor and police authorities decided to permit the meeting, but to suppress promptly and sternly the least attempt at disturbance. The police were out in force and were kept well in hand, and three regiments of militia under arms were subject to the call of the mayor. One of these was the Seventh, who, from their armory, 500 yards away, could reach Tompkins Square in ten min

utes ready for action.

It is said that some of the communists in taking stock of the measures to preserve order got a look into this armory, and seeing the best young citizens of New York lying on their arms with the determined look of men who are out on grave duty, felt their courage for the attempt to overturn society ooze away. Inflammatory speeches made in English and German were probably taken seriously by the communists and socialists, but did not goad them to riotous action, and indeed the majority of the 10,000 or 12,000 who had gathered together was an ordinary good-natured crowd actuated by curiosity rather than bent on mischief. "The meeting," wrote the British consul-general, "was a complete fiasco"; and this result had a pacifying influence throughout New York State and all over the disturbed part of the country.

By July 28 the riotous demonstrations had ceased, the trouble in the State of New York was over, and nearly all of the State militia were sent home. The trainmen resumed work on the Erie and New York Central at the reduced wages.

New Jersey, Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, Illinois, Michigan, Kentucky, and Texas were disturbed by strikes and affected by the general unrest and lawlessness. One occurrence claims our attention. The strike on the railroads in Chicago furnished an occasion for the rising of a mob of the dangerous classes, who were numerous in this city owing to the large and conglomerate foreign population. The mayor was determined and the police efficient, and the story of July 24 and 25 is that of many conflicts between the police and the mob, the police maintaining the upper hand. There were State troops available and also six companies of United States regulars, who, on their way East, had been stopped by the Secretary of War and for whom the proper requisition had been made by the governor. The mayor was loath to call upon the troops, but on July 26 the situation had become so grave that he authorized their use.

On this day a desperate conflict took place at the Sixteenth Street viaduct between the mob and the police, in which 10 rioters were killed and 45 wounded. Nineteen police were injured. The appearance of the United States regulars on the scene put an end to the rioting, and their con

tinued presence in the city insured tranquillity. Six companies were there on the 26th and later 13 more companies arrived, General Sheridan himself reaching Chicago on the 29th.

The country may be said to have been in a tumult from July 16 to 31, but with one exception the rioting was over before the last day of July and the strike was settled. In the main the strikers failed to secure the restoration of the pay which they had demanded.

It is probable that the ratio of unemployed to the total population has never been larger in this country than during 1877, and the strikes and riots of that year constituted the most serious labor disturbance that has ever occurred in the United States. For a while freight traffic on the most important railroads of the country was entirely suspended, and the mail and passenger trains were run only on sufferance of the strikers. Business was paralyzed. The railroad managers had no idea that they were prodding a slumbering giant when their edict of a ten-per-cent reduction went forth. The industrious workmen who began an honest strike against what they deemed an unfair reduction and unjust exactions little imagined that they would soon be allied with the dregs of society. Their experience recalls this statement of Niebuhr's: "A man of great distinction who had lived through all the terrors of the French Revolution, but had kept his hands clean, once said to me, 'You do not know what a recollection it is to have lived during a revolution: one begins the attack with the best, and in the end one finds oneself among knaves.'" Writers however, who have based their accounts on newspaper sources have pushed historical parallels too far when they have compared the riots of 1877 with the terrible days of the first French Revolution and of the Paris Commune of 1871. In truth a thorough study will show much more conspicuous diversities than resemblances between the American and the French uprisings.

Heretofore, except for the suppression of the New York City draft riots during the Civil War, and for the enforcement of the governmental policy of reconstruction in the Southern States, United States soldiers had been rarely and sparingly used in domestic troubles. In July, 1877, the gov

ernors of West Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Illinois called upon the President for assistance, which, as we have seen, was promptly sent. In Missouri and Indiana as well as in Illinois the regulars were employed on the demand of the United States marshals, acting under the authority of the United States courts through the receivers whom they had appointed. Where the regular soldiers appeared order was at once restored without bloodshed. The President acted with judgment and decision, and it was due to him that order was ultimately restored. But the number of outcasts and the prevalence of the mob spirit disclosed by the events of July made thoughtful men shudder as they reckoned what might have happened had not the disputed presidency of a few months earlier been peacefully settled. The number ready to enlist under any banner that promised a general overturn and a chance for plunder would have proved a dangerous factor had Republicans and Democrats come to blows.

end of the century the gulf between labor and capital was constantly widening; the difficulty of either workman or employer putting himself in the other's place increased. This tendency was much accelerated by the autocratic reduction in wages of 1877 and by the strikes and riots which ensued. It is true that victory rested with the railroad companies, but it was a Pyrrhic victory.

In his annual message of December, 1877, President Hayes said that his Southern policy had been "subjected to severe and varied criticism." He might have drawn a strong argument in its favor from the events of July. The old Confederate States were stripped bare of United States troops, yet they, with the exception of Texas, vied in peace and order with New England, these two sections contrasting strangely in their tranquillity with the rest of the country. Moreover, it was said that General Schofield was assured that 100,000 men in the South were ready to come at the call of the President, to protect the govern

From the close of the Civil War to the ment or any State from insurrection.

LOVE AND RHEUMATISM

By A. Carter Goodloe

ILLUSTRATIONS BY FRED PEGRAM

ERRIS hung over the steamer's rail chewing gloomily at the end of his unlighted cigar and crumpling a telegram between his fingers. His usually blithe countenance wore an injured expression, and even the sight of six beribboned members of a Hoboken singverein, accompanied by a brass band and an enormous floral horseshoe inscribed "Auf Wiedersehen," who were bearing down upon a rotund Teuton beaming upon them from the end of the gang-plank, failed to arouse a sympathetic smile. No one was there to bid him good-by, he reflected dejectedly, and instead of his travelling companion, Arnold, there was only the telegram.

"Confound it! Why couldn't Arnold's blooming miners have waited until we were

in mid-ocean before they struck?" he demanded indignantly of the German Lloyd pier. Receiving no reply, he tore up the offending telegram and scattered it to the winds of New York bay.

The head deck steward came up and touched him on the shoulder. "Shall I show you where I've placed your two chairs, sir?" he asked anxiously. "I got the two best places, sir, on the windward side behind

Ferris turned a resigned look upon him. "Never mind," he said languidly, "I don't care a hang where they are and I only want one."

The deck steward gazed sorrowfully at Ferris. This sudden diminution of interest was most discouraging from a financial point of view. Had he been of a different class he would probably have made philo

sophic reflections on the volatile character of the rich young American.

Ferris was so cast down by the defection of Arnold and the sudden termination of all his plans for the summer that he maintained himself in haughty seclusion during the entire voyage. At Plymouth he got wearily off the boat instead of going on to Cherbourg as he and Arnold had intended. But London was unendurable. Everybody he knew or wanted to see was out of town and ignorant of his presence there, and the city itself was impossible. A hot wave had struck it and everywhere was torridity and stickiness. At the end of a week Ferris had had about enough.

"I suppose I'll have to accept Wraymouth's invitation after all," he soliloquized mournfully. "But oh Lord, how I do hate house parties in Scotland! And to think I might be motoring in the Cévennes with Arnold

He drew Lord Wraymouth's invitation from his pocket, where it had lain neglected and unanswered since the day before he sailed, and read it over with furrowed brow. "And there'll be a charming compatriote of yours, too. Met her at San Remo in the spring. She's perfectly ripping, my dear boy. You'll be bowled over in the first innings." Ferris groaned aloud. In spite of his money and his good looks he was still shy. Women were more or less alarming to him, and although an artificially easy manner very successfully hid his perturbations he avoided them when possible and sought comfort and safety in masculine society. The mere thought of an unknown "ripping" countrywoman sentimentally awaiting him at Wraymouth's place near Edinburgh made him long unutterably for Arnold's society and their solitary motor excursion. But apparently there was nothing to be done but to go. It was really too boresome to stay in London and alone any longer, and so Ferris gloomily told his man to send a telegram to Lord Wraymouth and pack his things.

Ferris fled London on a morning unhappily only too rare in that metropolis. The excessive heat of the last week had given way to a tempered brightness and cool clearness that flooded even the gloomy St. Pancras station. As Ferris, with Benson's aid, settled himself and his bags in a first-class compartment of the Midland Grand, he felt

for the first time a lightening of the gloom which had enveloped his spirits since his departure from America.

His cheerfulness was further enhanced by the belief that he was to have the compartment to himself. This happy conviction, however, was rudely dispelled. Just before the train pulled out a guard came hastily down the platform and, opening the door of Ferris's carriage, ushered into it a young girl followed by a respectable, middle-aged Englishwoman. Almost before Ferris had time to realize her entrance the whistle had sounded and the train began to move.

The young girl sank down somewhat breathlessly in the seat by the window opposite Ferris, motioning to her maid to take a place near her, and as the train sped northward out of the great station he had the opportunity of noting in the clear English air how amazingly pretty she was. Black hair and blue eyes darkened by heavy lashes and brows suggested Irish ancestry, but the white skin untouched by color-all the red was concentrated in the firm, curved lips-the straight, short nose, the grace and lightness of figure and bearing, undisguised by the heavy mourning she wore, pointed unmistakably to the American. There was, besides, a pathetic hint of weariness in the lovely face, of unstrung nerves, that was particularly appealing.

These slender observations made by Ferris between discreet glances from the carriage window at the English landscape rushing past, were reinforced shortly by a glimpse of a wedding-ring disclosed for an instant when her silk glove was hastily pulled off to fasten the end of a refractory veil. The sight gave Ferris something of a shock. He could not have explained just why unless it was that she had seemed to him too young to be married, much less widowed.

On and on they rushed northward, the air growing clearer and clearer, the sunlight more and more brilliant until the whole verdant English midland billowed about them in a translucent freshness and glory. Ferris, from his corner, watched the delight and wonder of her glancing face grow with every mile that whirled past. She sat quite still and quiet, enjoying it to the full and without even an exclamation or word to her maid. Ferris was glad that she could enjoy silently-he was a silent chap

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