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American councils. This hope, however, be- Now, it is to be observed, that the trade comes every day somewhat weaker; the of America to the Baltic, to the Peninsula, whole of their proceedings bear a warlike and to all other countries, except France aspect; and neither in the government nor and Italy, is perfectly anshackled. The in the legislature does there appear any dis- whole, therefore, of the large exports to position to listen to proposals, which do not those countries have probably reached their involve the abandonment of our essential destination. With respect to the three mil. rights. In this state of things, we can only lions of dollars, and this was the whole erlook to Him who has the hearts of all men, ported 10 France and Italy, it is impossible as well as the course of events, in his hands, to say how much has been turned from its that he would so “order their unruly wills original destination, and brought into Eng. and affections,” that the peace of the two land, From the rate of insurance between countries may not be broken, nor the blood America and France, which is about 40 per of their sons sacrificed in a contest, which cent., we should suppose that the amount must injure both, and can benefit neither. might be about a million of dollars, or

A statement of the exports of the United 250,0001. sterling. This, therefore, is the States, for the year 1811, has been laid be loss of which America has to complain, fore Congress. This is an important docu- during the last year, in consequence of our ment, especially at the present moment, and Orders in Council; and it is a loss voluntarily we will proceed to analyse it. The exports incurred. Had we chosen, however, to asof domestic growth or manufacture are esti- sert our undoubted right of excluding all mated at 45,294,043 dollars; and those of commerce from the Baltic as well as from foreign growth at 16,022,790; the total France, upwards of eight millions of Ameribeing 61,316,833 dollars, or about 15 mil

can commerce would have been at once anlions sterling. The amount of their manu. nihilated, for it would have been almost imfactures exported, including, as we presume, possible to have traded at all with the Baltic pot-ashes, perhaps tar, pitch, maple-sugar, in the face of our prohibitory decree; and &c. is 2,376,000 dollars. The rest consists the pressure would have been still more of fish, lumber, and the produce of agricul

severe bad we extended the probibition ta ture, as four, tobacco, cot:on, rice, &c. The such parts of Spain as are under the conproportion of these exports, sent to different troul of France, which we also might fairly

, parts of the world, is as follows-first,

have done. America, therefore, ought rather Of Domestic Growth or Manufacture. to be thunkful for our forbearance, than to de Russia, Prussia, Sweden, and

claim against our rigour. The injury she has Denmark

9,055,855 sustained was not intended by us. It has Spain and Portugal

18,266,466 been incidental, and, what is more; self-inFrance and Italy

1,194,275 duced. She has been fairly warned to avoid Great Britain.

20,308,211

France. She has contemned the warning; All other countries

2,469,255 Of Foreign Growth or Manufacture.

and she has consequently incurred loss. But

to say that we have caused the loss; that we Russia, &c.

5,340,117

are pillagers, because we enforce decrees Spain, &c.

5,772,572 France and Italy

clearly and solemnly published, and standing 1,712,537

on the most satisfactory grounds of belligerent Great Britain...

1,573,314

right, is childish, and can impose only on those All other countries.

1,624,220

who wish to be deluded. As for the allegaTotal. Russia, &c.

tion that Bonaparte has repealed his Berlin

8,395,952 and Milan decrees, we ask for the document Spain, &c.

24,039,038

to shew that he has done so. None has yet France, &c.

2,906,812 Great Britain

appeared.

21,881,525 All other countries.

4,093,475

...

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GREAT BRITAIN.
STATE OF PARTIES.

Grenville, and of the reply of those The following are copies of a letter noblemen to the proposition subaddressed by his Royal Highness mitted to them. the Prince Regent to the Duke of York, in order to its being com,

" MY DEAREST BROTHER, municated to Earl Grey and Lord " As the restrictions on the exer

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eise of the royal authority will short- tional faith has been preserved inly expire, when I must make my violable towards our allies; and if arrangements for the future admi- character is strength, as applied to nistration of the powers with which a nation, the increased, and increasI am invested, I think it right to ing reputation of his Majesty's arms, communicate those sentiments which will shew to the nations of the ConI was withheld from expressing at tinent how much they may achieve an earlier period of the session, by when animated by a glorious spirit my warmest desire, that the expect, of resistance to a foreign yoke. In ed motion on the affairs of Ireland the critical situation of the war in might undergo the deliberate discus- the peninsula, I shall be most anxision of Parliament, unmixed with ous to avoid any measure which can any other consideration.

lead my allies to suppose that I “ I think it hardly necessary to mean to depart from the present call your recollection to the recent system. . Perseverance alone can circumstances under which I as- achieve the great object in question ; somed the authority delegated to and I cannot withhold my approbame by Parliament. At a moment tion from those who have honouraof unexampled difficulty and dan- bly distinguished themselves in supger, I was called upon to make a port of it. I have no predilections selection of persons to whom I should to indulge,-no resentments to graentrust the functions of the execu- tify,“no objects to attain but such tive government. My sense of duty as are common to the whole empire. to our Royal Father solely decided If such is the leading principle of that choice; and every private feel my conduct,--and I can appeal to ing gave way to considerations the past as evidence of what the fuwhich admitted of no doubt or hesi- ture will be,- I flatter myself I shall tation. I trust I acted in that re- meet with the support of Parliament, spect as the genuine representative and of a candid and enlightened of the august person whose functions nation. Having made the commuI was appointed to discharge; and I nication of my sentiments in this new kave the satisfaction of knowing, and extraordinary crisis of our afthat such was the opinion of per- fairs, I cannot conclude without exsons, for whose judgment and ho- pressing the gratification I should nourable feelings I entertain the feel, if some of those persons with highest respect in various instances, whom the early habits of my public as you well know. When the law life were formed, would strengthen of the last session left me at full lie my hands, and constitute a part of berty, I wayed any personal gratifi- , my government. With such supcation, in order that his Majesty port, and aided by a vigorous and might resume, on his restoration io united administration, formed on the health, every power and prerogative most liberal basis, I shall look with belonging to his crown. I certainly additional confidence to a prosperous am the last person in the kingdom issue of the most arduous coniest in to whom it can be permitted to de. which Britain was ever engaged. spair of our Royal Father's reco. You are authorised to communicate very. A new era is now arrived; these sentiments to Lord Grey, and I cannot but reflect with satis- who, I have no doubt, will make faction, on the events which have them known to Lord Grenville. distinguished the short period of my " I am always, my dearest Frerestricted Regency. Instead of suf- derick, your ever affectionate brother, fering in the loss of her possessions, (Signed) “ George, P. R. by the gigantic force which has

Carlton House, Feb. 13. been employed against them, Great Britain has added most important P. S. I shall send a copy of this acquisitions to her empire. The na- letter immediately to Mr. Perceyal."

Sir,

« Feb. 15, 1812.

express, without reserve, the impos

sibility of our uniting with the pre“ We beg leave most humbly to sent government. Our differences express to your Royal Highness our of opinion are too many and too imdutiful acknowledgments for the portant to admit of such an union. gracious and condescending manner His Royal Highness will, we are in which you have had the goodness confident, do us the justice to reto communicate to us the letter of member, that we have twice already bis Royal Highness the Prince Re- acred on this impression ; in 1809, gent on the subject of the arrange- on the proposition then made to us ments to be now made for the future under his Majesty's authority; and administration of the public affairs; last year, when his Royal Highness and we take the liberty of availing was pleased to require our advice ourselves of your gracious permission, respecting the formation of a new to address to your Royal Highness government. The reasons wbich we in this form what has occurred to us then humbly submitted to him are in consequence of that communica- strengthened by the increasing dantion. The Prince Regent, after ex- gers of the times; nor has there, pressing to your Royal Highness in down to this moment, appeared even that letter bis sentiments on various any approximation towards such an public matters, has, in the conclud- agreement of opinion on the public ing paragraph, condescended to in- interests as can alone form å basis timaie his wish that some of those for the hortourable union of parties persons with whom the early habits previously opposed to each other. of his public life were formed, would into the detail of those differences strengthen his Royal Highness's we are unwilling to enter; they hands, and constitute a part of his embrace almost all the leading feagovernment; and his Royal High- tures of the present policy of the ness is pleased to add, that with such empire ; but his Royal Highness has support, aided by a vigorous and himself been pleased to advert to the united administration, formed on the late deliberations of Parliament on most liberal basis, he would look the affairs of Ireland. This is a subwith additional confidence lo a prosa ject, above all others, important in perous issue of the most arduous itself, and connected with the most context in which Great Britain has pressing dangers. Far from conever been engaged. On the other curring in the sentiments which his parts of his Royal Highness's letter Majesty's ministers have on that ocwe do not presume to offer any ob- casion so recently expressed, we enservations; but in the concluding tertain opinions directly opposite : paragraph, in so far as we may ven- we are firmly persuaded of the neture to suppose ourselves included cessity of a total change in the prein the gracious wish which it ex- sent system of that country, and of presses, we owe it, in obedience and the immediate repeal of those civil duty to his Royal Highness, to ex. disabilities under which so large a plain ourselves with frankness and portion of his Majesty's subjects still sincerity. We beg leave most ear- Jabour on account of their religious nestly to assure his Royal Highness, opinions. To recommend to Parliathat no sacrifices, except those of ment this repeal is the first advice honour and duty, could appear to which it would be our duty to offer us too great to be made, for the pure to his Royal Highness, could we, pose of healing the divisions of our even for the shortest time, make country, and uniting both ils go- ourselves responsible for any fariber vernment and its people. All per, delay in the prospect of a measure, sonal exclusion we entirely disclaim; without which we could entertain we rest on public measures ; and it no hope of rendering ourselves use. is on this ground alone that we must ful to his Royal Highness, or to the country. We have only further to Royal Highness, and is now made beg your Royal Highness to lay be- abundantly manifest by the very fore his Royal Highness the Prince decisive language of the letter of Regent, the expression of our hum- the Lords Grey and Grenville. ble duty, and the sincere and re- Whether the Prince Regent himspectful assurance of our earnest self exactly anticipated the answer wishes for whatever may best pro- which they have given, we do not mote the ease, honour, and advan- presume to say. We confess, howtage of his Royal Highness's go- ever, that we ourselves are not survernment, and the success of his en- prised at it. The Catholic subject deavours for the public welfare. presented an obstacle to union, We have the honour to be, &c. which was very obvious. There is

" GREY. (Signed)

a passage in the Prince Regent's let“ GRENVILLE." ter which seems a little to imply, To his R. H. the Duke of York. that the Parliament had already dis

posed of this subject ; whereas even We shall take the liberty of ex- ihe temporary settlement of that ercising our privilege, as English- question is not likely to be admitted men, of offering a few observations, by the chiefs of opposition, some of both on the letter of the two noble. whom carefully distinguished the men, and on the proposition for a vote recently given, from the vote partial change of ministry, which soon again to be called for. The his Royal Highness the Prince Re- Catholics are about to petition; and gent has thought proper to convey it is, therefore, held by our oppoto their Lordships, on ihe era of his tionists that the question is suspendassumption of the unrestricted pre- ed. The late vote, they insist, rogatives of the Crown.

turned principally on the propriety That bis Royal Highness has of the measures lately taken by the been prompted to take this step by Government to pot down the cona patriotic zeal for the common in- vention, and did not at all decide terests of the empire, and by a de- the main question. Some, who then sire to extinguish that party spirit voted with Government (in particuwhich has so long divided and lar, Lord Wellesley in the House of weakened us, will, as we doubt not, Lords, and Mr. Canning in the be the persuasion of the people of House of Commons), professed an England in general, and is cer- intention of soon favouring the Catainly our sentiment. It is exactly tholic claims. Could it then be supthat course to which any amiable posed, ihat, while this important prince, on ascending the throne, point of national policy was waiting would naturally incline, and from for a more complete and a separate which he could only be diverted by discussion, the leaders in the intenda knowledge cither of some invinci- ed contest should meet together as ble animosity in the great competi- friends in the same cabinet. The tors for power, or of some differences moment seems, in this respect, to of judgment on the measures to be have been remarkably unpropitious pursued, too serious and important to an union of parties. We do not to be compromised.

enter into the otber grounds of dif. Individual hostility is happily, as ference between Mr. Perceval and we believe, disavowed by men of the Lords Grey and Grenville, beall parties among us. Who, indeed, cause the two Lords have themselves that knows any thing of Mr. Per- abstained from doing it. We canceval, could refuse, on personal not, however, help observing, that grounds, to sit with him in the same his Royal Highness the Prince Recabinet? That the other obstacle gent must, in consequence of bis to union, nevertheless, exists, might former political familiarity with surely have been surmised by his their Lordships, have been fully sensible of the nature and extent of sistency arising, in the event of bis those differences; so that his Royal continuing long to exercise the royal Highness seems to have expected functions. When is it, we would ask, a greater deviation in them from that his Royal Highness is to use the doctrines which they had held, bis own judgment? It is not, it as well, indeed, as publicly pro- seems, when he exercises a restrictclaimed, than is common with men ed regency. Is he, then, to act for who lead the parties of this country. himself when the regency is unre.

On the whole, we are disposed to stricted? Even then, he may plead refer to an amiable facility in his no less his filial reverence. It is Royal Highness, in accommodating only, therefore, when he shall be himself to the politics of Mr. Per crowned King of England. Many cepal, that expectation which his years may elapse during which be letter implies of his finding the same shall have exercised the whole of facility in the stubborn breasts of the Royal Prerogative; and by this the two noblemen whom he indi- time connections may have been rectly addresses; and if there be formed, and a direction given to any fault in the letter, it consists in public affairs, under his own austhe seeming simplicity with which pices, which it may be impossible to it assumes that the coalition it re. change. commends can be effected. It is The Marquis Wellesley has rean offer which, under all the circum- signed the seals of the foreign office, stances, it is but too plain was un- and it is believed that some other likely to be accepted; and it has had, changes of a partial nature are to take -as we fear, the unfortunate effect of place; but the successor of his Lordwidening the distance between the ship has not as yet been announced. contending bodies; for the Lords Grey and Grenville having now been led to make a formal declaration of the existing differences, have nata

1. The Catholic question has undergone a

discussion in both Houses of Parliament, rally employed some strength of

which was produced by a motion for a com. expression in describing them. The mittee to consider the state of Ireland. The two parties have once more unfurled motion was negatived by large majorities; their respective banners, and are but expressly, in the case of many persons now summoning their wavering and composing that majority, not because they scaitered followers. The war in were disinclined to an extension of the pri. Parliament will be renewed with vileges of the Catholics, but because an asvigour; and the country, far from

sent to the present motion would imply, that reaping the benefit of that union of Government had been to blanx in the mea

sures which it had taken to defeat the atparties, so patriotically desired by bis Royal Highness, will only be tempt to form a Catholic convention in Dub

lin. The Catholic question is likely to untorn by new political hostility.

dergo fresh discussions. We shall offer one further obser

2. A bill has been brought in for ascervation, which, indeed, we also sug taining the population of Ireland. gested to our readers about twelve 3. The House of Comnions has called for months ago, when the former letter a return of all places of worship, throughof his Royal Highness attracted our out the kingdom, with the number of perattention. His Royal Highness then sons they are capable of containing; and professed, as he has also on the pre- also of the number of dissenting places of sent occasion, to be governed in the worship, in parishes whose population ex

ceeds one thousand. choice of his political servants prin

4. The bill to prevent granting places in cipally, if not exclusively, by a regard to the supposed wishes of his reversion was renewed by Mr. Bankes, but

was thrown out in the llouse of Commons Royal father. We then foresaw the by a majority of one. This decision has danger which is now still more ma- caused considerable dissatisfaction. nifest of some appearance of incou- 5. On the subject of America, we nost

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINOS.

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