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readers with a few passages selected from amongst many others of equal merit. The followiug extract from the author's preface, will serve both as a general development of the contents of the work now before us, and also as a specimen of the perspicuous manner in which he treats his questions.

“ Man is formed to live here in society. This is a truth, which every thing . within his own breast, as well as every thing around him, demonstrates ;-his feelings and his faculties ; his wants and his necessities. But, society could not possibly subsist long, unless its menubers were linked together by the prospects of some common end, resulting from the experience of some common interest ; by the influeuces of some common laws, directing them to the attainment of this end; and by the impulse, above all, of some common authority, enforcing the observance of these laws. So that it is this:—it is authority emanating immediátely from the will of God, that is the real source and foundation of all social order. In fact,... without the principle of delegated authority from above, there would not 'even exist any where, such a right as that of one individual being justly entitled to rule, or command another. If the parent himself possess such right over his own children, it is merely in virtue of a commission from Hira * from whom all paternity is derived.'

“Man is created likewise for a life hereafter. Indeed he is placed here, solely, for the important purpose of fitting himself for this grand and immortal destiny. This, too, is a truth, which not revelation only, but reason itself, makes manifest. Here, consequently, begins another order of things-distinct and separate, as its end and aim are stinct and separate,—from the preceding. Being designed and established for the worship of the Almighty, and for the attainment of salvation, so of course, its duties and obligations ; its laws and institu

its rights and its prerogatives—analogous to its sacred purposes,—are divine and spiritual things. They are acts of adoration, sacrifice, faith, mysteries, sacraments; in short, all the instruments of grace, and the principles of sanctifi

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" A spiritual order of things demands a spiritual authority to maintain it. For, if a temporal authority be essential, in order to preserve harmony in social life, a spiritual authority must, of course, be at least equally so, in order to preserve harmony in religion. To expect harmony in religion—the unity of truth, or tlie union of piety,—without such principle, would be a downright absurdity. Exactly, therefore, as temporal authority is the platform of order in the state,—so is spiritual authority-confornably to the spiritual nature of religion,--the real foundation of concord in the church,”

· From the circumstance of the palpable difference, which subsists between these two principles, or tribunals, it becomes a matter of infinite importance, that the public, distinguishing wisely between them, should understand correctly; and appreciate, with prudence, their respective rights and prerogatives, -not confounding the jurisdiction of the one with the power of the other ; nor considering the submission, which is paid to the former, as at all interfering with the obedience, which is due to the latter. The neglect of this distinction whilst it is mani

stly a piece of onsistency, is, at the same time, an evil that is pregnant with great disorders. It is a source of confusion, of error, of injustice, &c."

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“ It is of the neglect of this distinction-which is hardly ever made by the adversaries of the Catholic religion,—that the English Roman Catholic has, in particular, the justest reasons to complain. It is hence,-that is, because the Pro. testant will not make it, in our regard, that we are still viewed with jealousy, and treated with unkind suspicion ;-hence, that we still labour under a system of ililberal, and unmerited, exclusion from the general benefits of the State.

“The submission, then, which as Catholics, we pay, either to the authority of the Catholic Church, or to the person of its supreme Pastor,-the Pope,--does not lessen, -as for want of this distinction, the Protestant imagines, that it lessens -either the fidelity, which, às citizens, we owe to the State; or the allegiance, which, as subjects, we are bound to pay to our sovereign. It, in no respect, mi·litates against either of these obligations. It is a mere act of religion, not at all interfering with any civil duty-a purely spiritual thing, relating to purely spirituul objects," p. vi.---xii.

In the following passage, he seems to us, to point out the real source of the religious animosity and prejudice still sabsisting in the minds of men, who are otherwise distinguished for their benevolence and liberality.

We hope however, that the simple, but effectual remedy, here prescribed for the removal of these evils, will not be rejected.

" If there be one disadvantage, or one injury, which, beyond any other, the Catholics have at present peculiar reasons to deplore, it is that ignorance,-even that astonishinglignorance,—which prevails in this country, respecting the principles of the Catholic religion; and which prevails, too, not only amongst the vulgar and illiterate, portions of the Protestant community, but even amongst its best educated members,—its writers, its legislators; nay, (I judge from their works, and discourses), its very clergy. The ignorance of our religion amongst all these is, with very few exceptions.-extreme. And it is this unfortunate circumstance, that is the leading cause of those various evils and injustices under which we have been so long, and are still, condemned to labour. It is this that is the real source of those prejudices, and of that ill-will; of those insults, and calumnies; of that bigotry, and rancour, which, still, everywhere, and every day, assail us so illiberally ;-this, that forms the chief obstacle to that act of justice, which would give us back our birthrights. The Protestant does not know our religion, therefore, he is full of prejudices against it. He is full of prejudices against it; and, therefore, will not study it. His prejudices are the effects :-his ignorance is the cause.

“ For this reason,-since the removal of a cause would prove, eventually, the removal also of its effects,mif there be one advantage, or one benefit, which, beyond another, we are now,--as Catholics, particularly anxious to attain, it is thisg---not that the Protestant should forthwith give up his prejudices, or resign his ill-will against our religion ;---not that he should at once believe our doc

It is recorded that Mr. Edınund Burke, when on one occasion, solicited by a deputation of Catholic gentlemen to espouse their cause and advocate their claims, declared that the chief obstacle to the success of their petition, was the ignorance of Catholic principles that prevailed among the senators of that day. He added, we quote from memory: “not one of them ; no, not even Pitt himself, is acquainted with your principles.”

trines, or revere our principles, but,, merely that he should endeavour to reform his ignorance ; study our doctrines with candour and sincerity; and ascertain our principles with enlightened accuracy." Ibid. p. xiv.

From his chapter 66 On the Effects of the Union and Separation of the two Powers,'' viz. the Civil Power and the Ecclesiastical Power, we shall just call the attention of our readers . to the following extract :• “When we look into the rolls of history; or consult the events of ages past, do we not find, that there is hardly a single instance of any kingdom detaching itself from the spiritual authority of the Catholic church, that did not at once. become the scene of revolutions, and disorders ; and of revolutions, too, and disorders, which endangered, always, and subverted, sonetimes, the civil authority and the constitution of the state. And is it not therefore, true---or, at least, is. not the conjecture probable, that such events ;-and in particular, those subversions of civil order, which have taken place, during the past three hundred years, -ought properly to be traced to the same source, namely, to that same destructive principle, by which the rulers of the states, just referred to, had been previously engaged to oppose the spiritual anthority of the Catholic church? Certain, indeed, it is, that all the revolutions, which have occurred, within the . above stated interval, have been defended by the same maxims, and conducted with the same kind of spirit, by which all the pretended reformations, both of the faith, and government, of the Catholic church had been, previously, either supposedly justified; or really effected.

" It was the alleged tyranny, and ambition of the Roman pontiffs ; it was the pretended errors of the Catholic doctrines; it was the vices, the luxury, and the avarice, of the clergy; the abuses, everywhere, committed, in the dispensation of the spiritual power,---it was these ; and imputations, such as these, that have, formed, always, the grounds of attack upon the church ; and the notives and apologies, for revolting against its government. It was these, that, re-echoed, often, and artfully, by a set ofill-designing men, inthe ears of sovereigns, and their, ministers; or of others, who had influence in the state, induced these, too, to engage in the common

cry; and ere long, to undertake,—what they called, the projected Reformation. And what, soon, was the consequence? Why; soon, very same charges of tyranny, and ambition ; the same imputations of injustice, and oppression; the same allegations of abuses ; of luxury, &c. were urged against the sovereigns themselves, and against the existing forms of government. And was it not thus, too,.-- was it not upon the score of these same pretexts, that, in our own days, all the revolutions, which we have witnessed, have been defended; conducted; and ultimately brought about? In reality, if princes, and men in power, will, upon such pleas, undertake to reform the church, how very difficult must it not prove to them, when the same motives are urged against themselves,-to defend, and support, their own governments, and authority? Their own principles, and example, are, on such occasions, turned against them ;-and not unfrequently, to their own ruin. So dangerous is it to : shake the common foundation of power;—so difficult, to defend the principle ; and the object, of the pretended reformation of the church'; and yet, maintain, at the same time, with cousistency, either the established constitution of any kingdoin; or the legitimate authority of any temporal potentate.” p. 72.

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We shall copy the whole of his correct and luminous observations "On the present State of the Catholic Religion in this Country."

“I. On the occasion, when England separated itself from the conmunion of the see of Rome; when it rejected the ancient faith of its forefathers; and consummated the change of its religion, then did the Catholic church cease, any, Jonger, to possess, a civil establishment, within this realm. She was then deprived of all those temporal rights; and bereaved of all those civil privileges, which she had, hitherto, held by the concession of the state. The consequence, therefore, is,—that the powers, which, after the above period, either the pope; or the pastors of the Catholic church, have held, or exercised, in this country, were of a nature, purely spiritual; and purely ecclesiastical. They were of the same character with those, which, during the times of the heathen emperors, were held, and exercised by the apostles, and their successors. These powers the pastors

the church possess; and always must possess, over the flock of Christ, both at all times, whethier of peace, or persecution ; and in every portion of the globe. But; neither the pope; the Catholic prelacy; nor the Catholic clergy, have, now, any civil power, within the limits of this realm. They have no right; nor any authority, to enforce spiritual duties by any civil, or temporal, means; nor oppose,

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any manner, the performance of the civil duties, which are due to his Majesty; or to his government, by all, or any, of his subjects. And, as they have not, at present; so neither can they ever have, any portion of civil, or temporal, jurisdiction, within this realm; any civil power, superiority, or pre-eminence, without the concession of the state.

II. To no authority, however, which is purely spiritual, and purely ecclesiastical, that is holden, and exercised, by persons, who are not in communion with the see of Rome, can the Catholic,—consistently with those principles of unity, upon which the Catholic church is founded,,consent to pay obedience, in regard to objects, which are of a purely spiritual, and purely ecclesiastical, nature. As, therefore, some of the courts in this kingdom, which are called, ecclesiasiastical, are of a mixed nature, both in their prerogatives, and their objects,--so, here, the Catholic considers it necessary to discriminate,—to distinguish, that is, between what, in these institutions, is purely civil; and what is purely spiritual. He considers; and owns, it to be his bounden, and conscientious, duty to obey these,-just equally with all other civil courts,- in relation to all matters, which are of a civil, character; or which regard the legal (if temporal) rights of his

Tajesty; and the political obligations of his subjects. The reason is, that, in all these cases, the ecclesiastical judge acts, merely as the civil magistrate, delegated by the civil power. But, should it so chance, that one of these courts should think proper to issue an order of a pure ecclesiastical, nature,--that is, regarding objects, or duties, completely spiritual,—in this case, the Catholicboth by the maxims of his faith; and the unity of his communion-would be bound to look upon such mandate, as an object, that does not regard him. It would be wrong in him, and even sinful,--to oppose it by civil ineans : but it would be, likewise, wrong, and sinful, in him, to comply with it.

« III. Neither the allegiance of the Catholic, in any degree, affected, by the circumstance of such non-compliance. His allegiance remains, still, undivided, and entire. The reason is plain : it is, because allegiance relates, not to spirisitual; but, to civil, duties,--to those temporal tributes, and obligations, which

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the subject owes to the person of his sovereign ; and to the authority of the state. And these the Catholic pays, unreservedly; neither dividing them between his sovereign, and any other power on earth, whether temporal, or ecclesiastical ; nor yet, suffering them to be impaired, (they are rather increased, and perfected,) by the principles of his religion. Thus, the allegiance of his Majesty's subjects, in Scotland, is allowed to be undivided, and entire, although they refuse to admit bis spiritual supremacy, as the head of the national church; although they reject his right of interference ; or the interference of any of our ecclesias tical courts, in their spiritual concerns ;—and although in all these objects, they are regulated entirely by a church, of their own, a church too, completely distinct from the Protestant church of England.

“IV. Nerer, in any Catholic kingdom, was the allegiance of its subjects deemed imperfect, or divided, because, in relation to spiritual things, they professed obedience to the pope; or submission to the sacred authority of the church. So clear, indeed, is the distinction between the civil powers of the state, and the spiritual authority of the church, that,-provided they keep, each of them, within their own respective spheres,-their peculiar rights and prerogatives, can never possibly clash together. Their jurisdictions are separate. And the obedience, therefore, which men deem it their duty to pay, respectively, to each of them, is, for this reason, in suo genere, undivided, and complete.” p. 76.

We shall close our extracts with his brief statement of the specious argument so often urged agaiust Catholic emancipapation both in and out of parliament, and his triumphant

answer.

"The argument, which the adversaries of the above measure oppose principally to it, is this,—that since the constitution of the country,-its throne, its govern. ment, its parliament, its church,—are all of them protestant,--so it would, consequently be wrong, and inconsistent, to admit the Catholics,-men of a different religion,--to a participation in its privileges.

“ This is, indeed, a mode of reasoning which is often urged upon the public mind; and which, no doubt, possesses a very powerful influence over it. However, if men would give themselves the trouble to analyse it, they would find, in it, very little else, than a mere illusion :-its effect is the fruit of sound, much more than of any wisdom. For, in the first place, it is not true, that the constitution of this country is protestant. It is on the contrary, much rather,—Catholic. Those laws, which form its real excellence; those provisions, and regulations, which constitute the boast, and pride, of Englishmen, are, all of them, Cathiolic ;-the suggestions of Catholic wisdom; and the work of Catholic industry; -the work even, principally of a set of Catholic clergymen, Or, if indeed, since the establishment of protestantism; and above all, at the era of the revolution, the charter of our laws has received a certain additional share of perfection, the case has been simply this,—that the wisdom of the nation, at those periods, gave back to it again those ancient, but long-lost excellencies, which it had possessed in its original formation.

“ I might remark, too, that,—although the supposition were admitted, that the constitution of the country is really protestant,--still, there would not be any inconsistency, nor any violation of its principles, in the circumstance of admitting the Catholics to the enjoyment of its civil privileges. The good

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