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any, and justly, for it would be a více. He would be a Danished man in his native land.

7. I fee no exception to the respect that is paid among hations to the law of good faith. If there are cases in this enlightened period, when it is violated, there are hone when it is decried. It is the philosophy of politics, the religion of governments. It is observed by barbariansma whiff of tobacco smoke or a string of beads, gives not merely binding force, but fanétity to treaties. Even in Algiers, a trace nay be bought for money, but when ratified, even Algiers is too wife or too just to dirown and anul its obligation. Thus we fee neither the ignorauce of favages, nor the principles of an affociation for piracy and rapine, përniit a nation to despise its en. gagements. " If, fir, there could be a refurrection from the foot of the gallorys, if the victims of justice could live again, collect together and form a society, they would however loath, foon find then felves obliged to make justice, that justice under which they fell

, the fundamental law of their state. They would perceive it was their interest to make otliers refpect, and they would, therefore foon pay fome refpect themselves to the obligations of good faith.

8. It is painful, I hope it is fuperfluous, to make even the fupposition that America thou! furnish the occasion of titis opprubium. No, let me not even imagine, that å republican government spring, as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whose original right, and whose daily discipline is dutý, can, upon folemn debate, inake its option to be faithless-- can dare tu act what despots dare not avow, what our own example evisces, the Atates of Barbary are unfuspected of, No, let me rather make the fupposition that Great Britain refafes to execute the Treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect. Is there any language of reproach pungent enouglr to express your commentary on the fact? What would you fay, or rather what would you not say? Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might travel, Thane wonld stick to him he would disown his country. You would exclaim, England proud of Wealth, and arrogant iix the polieflor of power-bluh for



these become the vehicles of your difronor. Such a nation might truly fay, to corruption, Thou art my father, and to the worm, Thou art my mother and iny

Gifier. We thould fay of such a race of men their name is a heavier burden than their debt.

9. The refusal of the posts inevitable if we reject the treaty) is a measure too decisive in its nature to be neu. tral in itsj consequences. From great causes we are to look for great effects. A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the western lands will fall. Settlers will not chuse to fix their liabitation on a field of battle. Those who talk so much of the interest of the United States should calculate how deeply it will be affected by rejecting the treaty--how, vast a track of wild land will alınost ceafe to be property. This lofs, let it be observe ed, will fall upon a fand expressly devoted to fink the national debt. What then are we called opon to do? However the form of the vote and the protestations of many may disguise the proceeding, our resolution is in substance, and it deserves to wear the title of a resolution to prevent the fale of the western lands and the discharge of the public debt.

10. Will the tendency to Indian hostility be contested by any one ? Experience gives the anfwer. The frontiers were scourged with war. till the negociation with GreatBritain was far advanced, and then the state of hoftility, ceased. Perhaps the public agents of both nations were innocent of foinenting the Indian war, and perhaps they are not. "We ought not however to expect that neighboring nations, highly irritated against each other, will neglect the friendship of the savages, the traders will gain an influence, and will abuse it—and who is ignorant that their paffions are easily raised and hardly restrained from violence ? Their situation will oblige them to chuse between this country and Great Britain in case the treaty should be rejected-They will not be our friends and at the same time the friends of our enemies.

11. If any, against all these proofs fhould maintain that the peace with the Indians will be stable without the posts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to produce conviction, I will appeal

directly to the hearts of those who hear me, and ack whether it is not already planted there? I resort efpecially to the conviction of the Weltern gentlemen wheth. er, fuppofing no posts and no treaty, the settlers will remain in fecurity can they take it upon them to say, that a1) Indian peace under thele circumstances, will prove form ? No, fir, it will not be peace but a sword; it will be no better than a lure to draw victiins within the reach of the tomahawk.

12. On this theme, my emotions are unutterable : if I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proo' portion to my zeal, I would swell my voice to such a note of-remonftrance, it should reach every log-house beyond the mountains. I would say to the inhabitants, wake from your false security. Your cruel dangers, your more cruel apprehensions are foon to be renewed: the wounds, yet unhealed, are to be tore open again. In the day time, your path through the woods will be ainbushed. The darknefs of midnight will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings, You are a father the blood of your fons shall fatten on? your corn-field. You are a mother--the war whoop shall wake the sleep of the cradle.

13. On this fubject you need not fufpe&t any deception? on your feelings. It is a spectacle of horror which cannot be overdrawn. If you have nature in your hearts, they will speak a language comprired with which all' I have said or cap fay, will be poor and frigid.

14. Who will accuse me of wandering out of the subje&? Who will day that I exaggerate the tendencies of our meafures ? will any one answer by a fneer, that all this is idle preaching? will any one deny that we are bound, and I would hope to good purpose, by the most folemn fan&tions of duty for the role we give ? Are del. pots alone to be reproached for unfeeling indifference to the tears of blood of their subjects ? Are republicans unresponsible? Have the principles on which you ground the reproach upon cabinets and kings no practical influence, no binding force ? Are they merely theines of idle de

clamatiou, introduced to decorate the morality of a news. paper-essay, or to furnisa pretty topics of liarangue from the windows of that ftate house ? I truft it is neither too pe fumptuous nor too late to ak, can you put t! deareft

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interest of society at risk without guilt, and without res morfe ?

15. By rejecting the posts, we light the favage fires, we bind the victims. This day we undertake to render* account to the widows and orphans whom qys decifion wilt: make, to the wretches that will be noasted as the ftake," to our country, and I deem it not too ferious to fay, to cena fçience and to God. We are ar fwerable and if duty bet any thing inore than a word of imposture, if confciewe be. not a bugbear, we are preparing to make curselves as wretchad as our country.

16. There is no miffake in this cafe, there can be bene Experience has already hean the prophet of arests, and the cries of our future victims have already reached us.. The western inhabitants are not a silent and uncom plaining facrifice. Tlie voice of humanity ilues from the Thade of their wildernesi, It exclaiins, that while one hand is held up to reject this greaty, the other grafps a tomahawk. It fummons qur iniagination to the frege's that will open. It is no great effort «£ the imagination to conceive that events fo near are already begou. I can fancy that I listen to the yells of savage vengeance, and the farieks of torture, Already they feen to high in the weft wind--already they mingle with every echo bom the mountains.

17. Look again at this ftate of things. On the fea coast, vaft loffes uncompensated - On the frontier, Indian war, actual encroachment on our territory. Every where discontent-relentments tenfold wore fierce becaufe they will be impotent and bumbled. National difroid and abasement,

18. The disputes of the old treaty of 1783, being left. to rank le, will revive the alniot extinguilhed animoftties of that period. Wars in all countries, and in most of all in such as are free, arise from, the impetuofity of the public feelings. The despotife of Petkey is often oblin ged by clamor to unleath the sword. Wax might per: haps be delayed, but could not be prevented. The cau-: fer of it would remain, would be aggravated, would be multiplied, and foon become intolerable. des, more : imprefineirt, would fwell the list of cur ngs, and the current of our rage. I make no calque of the arts of those whole employment it had been,

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en former occasions, to fan the fire. I say nothing of the foreign money and emissaries that might foment the spirit of hostility, because the state of things will naturally runs to violence. With lefs than their former exertion, they would be successful.

: 19. Will our government be able to temper and reArain the turbulence of such a crisis? The government, atas, will be in no capacity to govern. A divided pens ple; and divided counsels! Shall we cherish the spirit of peace or Mew the energies of war? Shall we make our adverfary afraid of our strength, or dispose him by: the meafures of resentment and broken faitli, to respect our rights? Do gentlemen rely on the state of peace because both nations will be worit difpofed to keep it?? Because injuries, and infults ftin harder to endure, will be mutually offered,

- 20. Such a state of things will exift, if we should long avoid war, as will be worse than war. Peace without security, accumulation of injury without sedress, or the hope of it, resentmenit against the aggreflor, contempt for ourselves, inteline discord and anarchy. Worse than this need not be apprehended, for if worfe could happen, anarc by would bring it. Is this the peace gentlemen wdertake with such fearless confidence, to niaintain ? Is this the ftation of American dignity, which the high spir... ited champions of onr national independence and bonor, could endure-nay, which they are anxious and almost violent to seize for the country? What is there in the treaty that could humble us fo low? Are they the men to swallow their resentments, who fo lately were. c

choak ing, with them? If in the case contemplated by them, it Thould be peace, I do not befirate co declare it ought not to be peace.

21. Is there any thing in the prospect of the interior flate of the country, to encourage us to aggravate the dangers of a war? Would not the shock of that evil produce another, and shake down the feeble and then unbraced structure of our government ? Is this the chimera? Is it going off the ground of matter of fact to fay, the rejection of the appropriation proceeds upon the doce trine of a civil ar of the department! Two branches bave ratified a treaty, and we are going to set it aside,


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