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and thus to 'extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that would be fufficient to gratify, ij? possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raifing, in our own inode, the prescribed tribute.

22. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dietated by remorselefs victors to conquered enemies? In our circumstances to accept then, would be to deserve: them.

23. Soon after the intelligence of these proceedingsarrived on this continent, General Gage, who, in the course of the last year had taken poffeffion of the town of: Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and far occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th day of April, fent out from that place a large detachinent of his army, who made an unprovoked affault on the inhabitants of the said province at the town of Lexington; as appears by the affi davits of a great number of persons (some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment) mordered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others.

24. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array, to the town of Concord, where they fer upon another party of the inhabitants in the same province, killing feveral, and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people, suddenly assembled to repel this cruel ago greffion.

25. Hoftilities thus commenced by the Britifh troops, have been finde prosecuted by them, without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston, being confined in that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to procure their dismiffion, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the faid inhabitants, having deposited their arms with their own magiflrates, Mould have liberty to depart, taking with them their other. effects.

26. They accordingly delivered up their arms; bati in open violation of honor, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even favage nations esteem sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preferved for their 'owner, to be seized by a body of foldiers ; detained the greateft part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who werez

permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.

27. By this, perfidy, wives are feparated from their hufbands, children from their parents, the aged and fick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them : and those who have been used to live in plenty, and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distrefs.

28. The geneal, further emulating his ministerial m?sters by a proclamation, bearing date on the rath day at Juve, after venting the groficit falschoods and calumnie's against the good people of these colonies, proceed to " " declare them all, either by name or description, to be " rebels and traitors, to supercede the course of common

law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and ni exercise of the law martial."

29. His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places ; our ships and vefsels are feized ; the neceffary supplies of provifiens are intercepted, and he ! is exercising his utmoft power to fpread destruction and devaftation around him...

30. We have received certain intelligence, that general Carleten, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province, and the Indians, to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason. to apprehend, that fchenses have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of thefa colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, fwotd and famine.

31. We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional fubmission to the tyranny of irritated winisters, or refiftance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing fo dreadful as voluntary flavery. Honor, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning fucceeding generations, to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we bafely entail heroditary bondage upon them.

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32. Our taufe is jaft. Our union is perfed. Our inter nal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign afle tance' is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully ac. knowledge, as fignal instances of the Divine favor towards U$; that Providence would not permit us to be called into the severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, and had been previously exercifedin warlike operations, and poflefied of the means of defending ourselves.

33. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections we most folemnly, before God and the world, declare, that exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficient Creator has gracionfly beftowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence, employ for the pre

fervation of our liberties; being, with one mind, refolved : to die freemen rather than to live slaves.

34. Left this declara tion fhould difquiet the minds of our friends and fellow fubjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to diffolve that union which has fo long and so happily fubfifted between us, and which we sincerely wish to fee restored. Neceffity has not yet driven us into that desperate meafure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war againt them.

35. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent ftates. We fight not for glory or for conqueft. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without an imputation

or even suspicion of offence. They boal of their privi- ledges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than fervitude or death.

36. In our own native land, in defence of the free. dom that is our birth right, and which we ever enjoyed i till the l'até violation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired folely hy the honeft industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. "We shall lay them down when hoftilities thill cease on the part of the aggreffors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.

37.. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the Supremne and impartial Judge and Ruler of the univerfe, we mast devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.

ELOQUENCE. Extract from Mr. AMES Speecb in Congress on the sub

ject of executing tbe Treaty between ibe United States and Grent-Britain. 1. THE confequences of refusing to make provision

for the treaty are not all to be foreseen. By rejecting, vast interests are committed to the sport of the inds. Chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is: forbidden to human foresight to count their number, or measure their extent. Before we resolve to leap into this abyss, so dark and fo profound, it becomes us to pause and reflect upon fuch of the dangers as are obvious and inevitable. If this assembly Thould be wrought into a temper to defy these con!equences, it is vain, it is decep: tive to pretend that we can escape them. It is worse than, weakness to say, that as to public faith, our vote has already settled the question. Another tribunal than our own is already erected. The public opinion, not merely of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a judgement that we cannot refift, that we dare not even affect to defpise.

2. Well may I urge it to men who know the worth of character, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contefted, Retofing to do what the treaty fipulates shall be done, opens the controversy. Even if we should stand justified at laft, a character that is vindicated is something worse than it stood before, unquestioned and unqueftionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of Nander, we recover a reputation disfigured by invective, and even tarnished by too much 'handling. In the combat for the honor of the nation, it may receive fome wounds, though they fhould Leal, will leave scars. I need not fay, for surely the feelings of every bofom have anticipated, that we cannot guard this fenfe of national honor, this enlivening fire

which alone keeps patriotifm warm in the heart, with a fenfibility too vigilant and jealous.

3. If, by executing the treaty, there is no poffibility of dishonor, and if, by rejectingthere is foine foundation for doubt and for reproacli, it is not for me to mea fure, it is for your own feelings to estimate, the vast dir. tance that divides the one side of the alternative from the other.

4. To expatiate on the value of public faith may pafs with fome men for declamation--to fuch men I have nothing to say. To others I will urge, can any circumstance mark upon a people more turpitude and dt basement? Can any thing tend more to make men think themselves mean, or degrade to a lower point their eftimation of virtue and their ftandard of action.

5. It would not merely demoralize nyankind; it tends to break all the ligaments of society, to diffolve that myfterious charm which attracts individuals to the nation, and to inspire in its stead a repulfive sense of shame and disguft.

6. What is patriotisin? Is it a narrow affection for the fpot where a man was born ? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are greener P No fir, this is not the eharacter of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended kelf-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself with the minuteft filainents of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of society, because they are the Jaws of virtue. In their authority we see, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as facred. He is willing to rik his life in its defence, and is conscious that he gains protection while he gives it.. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable, when a state renounces the principles that constitute their security ? Or, if his life Should not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be, in a country odious in the eyes of strangers, and dishonored in his own? Could he look with affcction and veneration to such a country, as his parent? The fense of having one would die with in him s he would bluth for his patriotism, if ke retained

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