ples, temper, and views of Jesus' Christ, the apostles and primitive Christians. At the same time, it was observed,as well it might be, that the constitutional reforming clergy were as much to be suspected as any of the old clergy, in the preceding period of private or selfish passions. It is something carnal and develish, not pure, disinterested, and benevolent, that is, for the most part, at the bottom of that zeal which is manifested for the overthrow of religious establishments. The new clergy past severe censures upon those ecclesiastics who had swerved from their religion, or violated its discipline, or the Vows they had made, and the obligations they had contracted on their entrance into the service of the church. They published also some pastoral letters, containing their sentiments on several points of consequence. They disclaimed all temporal authority, declaring the government of the Christian republic to be purely spiritual. Charity was its essential character, and it required no submission to its precepts, that was not warranted by reason. Its true spirit was moderation, and the very reverse of tyranny. They asserted, however, at the same time, that the authority of the church was vested in the episcopal order, but rejected the supremacy of the pope, allowing him only the first rank among the bishops.

Notwithstanding the caution which the circumstances of the times imposed upon them, they scrupled not to condemn some things that were sanctioned by the law. They severely reprobated those relating to divorce, and censured no less violently the matrimonial connections, formed by ecclesiastics, during the disorders of the revolu

tion, and the licentiousness of manners it had occasioned. They stigmatized, as guilty of sacrilege, those laymen who had taken upon them to officiate as the ministers of religion, in the meetings held for the celebration of divine service, and in the absence of regular clergymen. This latter was deemed an act of unseasonable severity, by the impartial, who disregarding the scrupulous nicety that dictated it, thought that it betrayed too marked a prepossession for the dignity of the ecclesiastical order. This occasional exercise of the priestly function was denominated laicism, and represented as sacrilegious usurpation of the sacerdotal rights.

The ultimate intent of the constitutional prelates, who had been concerned in those meetings and publications, was, to procure a convention of a more numerous assembly than their own, which consisted only of thirty-four, in order to settle definitively the affairs of the Gallican church: but the government did not incline to permit the formation of any body of men into a national synod or council. It apprehended that the claims of such a meeting might be such, and its influence so prevailing, as to endanger the authority of the state, and to create disturbances that might lead to serious consequences. The advocates of government pleaded on this occasion the precedent of England, where the convocation of its bishops and clergy has for many years, though suffered to meet, been prohibited to act. For these reasons, the directory ordered a number of ecclesiastics, met for the purpose of holding a synod, to be dispersed: this happened in the month of March, 1796; since when,

no

ligion, preserved it from alterations. But, in the united provinces, the freedom allowed to all persuasions had so completely paved the way for innovations of this kind, that, on the irruption of the French, and the revolution effected in the Durch government, the religion of thestate was immediately abolished, and all sects declared upon a foot ing of equality. The stipends of their respective ministers were to be paid by their foliowers, and no other interference exercised by the ruling power, than to maintain liberty of worship to all who paid obedience to the laws of the country.

A system so new to the ideas of all the nations in Europe, so repugnant to the temporal interests of an immense portion of the established clergy, and reputed by numbers in all classes so inimical to religion itself could not fail to call forth the indignation of multitudes. The approbation of perhaps a majority of those literary men, who are not members of the ecclesiastical body, has powerfully conduced to give this new system a considerable degree of popularity. As it does not appear hostile to Christianity itself, few, if any, of those sects that are not connected with the state, by a regular establishment, can be supposed inimical to the introduction of it into countries, where they exist themselves merely upon sufferance, and certainly can lose nothing by being placed on a level with all other sectaries, in point of emolument and importance. The Roman Catholic states, being all monarchi. cal, are those that have hitherto opposed it with most violence: as the ecclesiastical establishments there, form part of the political system, a

disjunction of the church from the state cannot be effected, without considerably weakening the latter; the authority of which depends essentially on the support given it by the former, whose attachment, therefore, is remunerated and secured, by the riches and splendor annexed to it. Opinion being the foundation of all power, and ecclesiasties in those countries possessing a notorious influence over the community, sovereigns are too sensible of their own interest to suffer the dissolution of a tie, that binds their subjects to them so efficaciously, and will, therefore, strenuously exert themselves to prevent the propagation of a system, that would deprive them of such able defenders.

The settlement of ecclesiastical affairs, in France, was considered, by most men, as an object of the highest importance. Though great liberty was assumed by numbers, in the exercise of that latitude of thinking, which was countenanced by the ruling powers, and the spirit of the constitution, and who paid little regard to the interest of religion; yet the majority, throughout the nation, were extremely desirous to see a total and unfettered freedom of worship granted to all persons who submitted to the established system. The government was so thoroughly convinced of the necessity of coinciding with the general sense of the community on this subject, that, notwithstanding the multiplicity of weighty concerns that occupied it in the course of this year, it carefully bestowed its attention upon the termination of this business. The satisfaction expressed by the public, on this account, proved the rectitude of the measures they had adopted CHAP.

THE directory were very sensible

that, after the pacification which they had in so great a measure effected in the affairs of religion, the nation would expect that they should proceed with equal solicitude to restore peace between the state and its numerous enemies: victories enough had been obtained to teach these the inefficacy of their endeavours to subvert the system now settled in France; the adherence to which, by the mass of the people, was sufficiently proved, by the zeal with which they supported it, and the sufferings to which they had cheerfully submitted, during the struggle against its many and potent adversaries. It was time to come to a conclusion of so destructive a war, and to conclude a peace upon reasonable conditions.

This was a language that began to diffuse itself every where. The popularity of the war against England, which was looked upon as the power under the auspices of which it had been chiefly promoted, was not diminished: but as the ruinous expences of this terrible contest,

had proved so fruitless, for the pur

pose proposed by this ancient rival, it was now hoped that he would des sist from attempts that had already cost him so much blood and teasure. To persist in them, must finally plunge him into far more serious difficulties than he had yet encountered. His resources, however great, were not sufficient to subsidize the immense combination of powers that he must bring into action. might keep them together some time longer; but the greatness of his efforts must necessarily exhaust him, and he would then be compelled to agree to a much more disadvantageous peace, than if he were willing, while yet on a respectable footing, to enter into pacific negociatious.

He

Such were the sentiments of the moderate party in France, but there' were others who entertained no other ideas, than of an entire subjugation of England. To humble it would not satisfy them. The French, in their opinion, were entitled to wreak the most signal vengeance on a people that had excited all Europe against them, that had

loaded

loaded them with the most opprobrious aspersions, that had sought their utter ruin, and not only to deprive them of their hard-earned liberty, but to parcel them out among the European despots. Fortune having declared for the republicans, it was equally their duty and their interest to inflict the severest punishment on those who had formed so iniquitous a design. While England subsisted, it would prove an everlasting and irreconcileable enemy. It would unite with every power that harboured_ malevolent intentions to France. It would foment and support that rebellious and fanatic party among the French which thought itself bound, in conscience, to oppose the present government, and to restore the house of Bourbon. No medium remained between a precarious existence of the republic, and the total reduction of England. Having forced all their other enemies to submit, it were shameful to suffer this, their most deadly one, to retain the power of compelling them to undergo another trial for their independence.

With arguments of this kind did the violent among the republicans plead for the propriety of making an attempt upon England itself; alleging, at the same time, the number of partisans and well-wishers the republic might rely upon, among the English malcontents; whose numbers were immense, and daily augmenting, through the pres sures which the war incessantly accumulated upon the nation.

But that circumstance which most irritated all parties in France at this juncture, and destroyed the confidence of their government in the good faith of that of England,

was the mission of Mr. Hammond, to Berlin, in order to procure, as they firmly asserted, the re-union of Prussia to the coalition. His failure, they said, was the real cause of the English ministry's determination to make overtures for a treaty.

Influenced by this suspicion, though the Directory permitted the French ministry for foreign affairs to grant a passport for an agent from England, at the request of the English ministry, yet this was done much more to obviate the complaints that would have arisen upon their refusal, than from any expectation of a prosperous issue to the nego ciation.

Lord Malmsbury, the person commissioned on the part of Great Britain, to negociate a peace with France, arrived at Paris, on the twenty-second of October, and was, on his arrival, received by the people of that city with every demonstration of joy: but the government, far from treating him with cordiality, indirectly countenanced a variety of surmises, so prejudicial to his errand and official character, that he was necessitated formally to complain of them, before it thought proper to silence and disavow them.

The negociation was opened, on the twenty-fourth of October, by lord Malmsbury's proposing to De la Croix, the French minister of the foreign department, to fix upon some principles whereon to found the conditions of the treaty, and recommending that of reciprocal restoration of what had been lost and taken by each of the Belligerent parties, as the most usually adopted on such occasions. He observed, that Great Britain having, in the course of this war, made conquests upon France of the highest value

and