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But in his absence they returned to their former corruptions. He still, however, conceived good hopes of the laity, if they had only good Magistrates and faithful Ministers placed among them, and wrote to that effect to Secretary Cecil, signifying also his desire that the Articles of Religion (then recently prepared by Cranmer) were set forth. These he intended to submit to the Clergy for their subscription in public before their parishioners, as he found that private subscriptions were no valid restraints to them. During this visit to Gloucester, he appointed certain of his Clergy Superintendents, who in his absence were to have a constant eye over the inferior Clergy.

After the correction of these abuses which had interrupted his progress through his new diocese, he returned to Worcester and proceeded in his visitation there. As was not unusual in those times, he found the most active opposition from the Prebendaries of the cathedral. Two of these, Johnson and Jolliff, disapproving some of the doctrines asserted in the articles which Hooper himself had proposed, held a dispute with him and Harley, who was afterwards Bishop of Hereford, on the points to which they objected. And one of them behaved most insolently and disrespectfully to him and to Harley.-Harley was afterwards charged with a report of the whole visitation and of this dispute in particular, to the Secretary; and the Council, taking cognizance of the dispute, it was referred to Cheke and Harley to report on it, that farther order might be taken respecting it. Hooper thus laments the occasion of it, in writing to the Secretary. "Ah Mr. Secretary, that there were good men in the Cathedral Churches, God then should have much more honour than he hath, the King's Majesty more obedience, and the poor people better knowledge: but the realm wanteth light in such churches, whereas of right it ought most to be."

At the same time he executed at Worcester the King's Injunctions for the removal of superstition-but not without exciting great clamour against himself, as though he had spoiled the Church.

The visitation being finished, he still did not account his work complete; but again went over both his dioceses, to take account of his Clergy, how far they had profited since his last examination of them, and to oversee his Superintendents themselves, and distribute to them their share either of praise or censure. The pains and zeal which he bestowed, were not more feelingly than truly described, when, in his letters to the Secretary, he said: "There is none that eat their bread in the sweat of their face, but such as serve in public vocation. Yours is wonderful, but mine passeth.-Now I perceive that private labours be but plays, nor private troubles but ease and quietness." So prodigal, indeed, was he of his exertions, that his wife, in concern for his safety, wrote to Bullinger, praying, that he would write to her husband, and persuade him to take a little more care of himself.

His great activity naturally awakened strong animosity on the part of those who were hostile to the Reformation; and hence we may account for the circumstance of great complaint being made of his behaviour in his diocese,-" of his insatiable covetousness, and his daily vexing his poor tenants, and Clergy without cause But in reality

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* Burnet has not given a just colouring to these scandals when he adds his own

the nature and contents of the work before us; and even this must be performed very briefly and rapidly, from the multifarious and miscellaneous matter, which is brought together in its pages.

After an introduction containing remarks on the proper objects of controversy, we have the Creed of Pope Pious IV. with some reflections, tending to shew, that the only documents, for which all Catholics are responsible, as containing the articles of their faith, are the Creed aforesaid, "the Catechism of the Council of Trent," "Bossuet's Exposition of Faith," Gother's "Papist misrepresented and represented," and Challoner's "Three short Summaries of Catholic Faith and Doctrine, prefixed to his Garden of the Soul, the most popular Prayer Book of the English Catholics." We know not by what authority Mr. Butler has cited these works as authorities: but we feel assured, that save and excepting the Creed of his Holiness, there would be little difficulty for any Catholic to disavow the remainder.

The first letter insists on the magnitude and extent of the Roman Catholic Church, from which rather a hasty inference is drawn, that, if it be in error, " the gates of Hell must have prevailed against the Church." The only flaw in this argument consists in a slight begging of the question, as to the nature of the Christian Church, or, whether, allowing the whole of its geographical extent, it is any demonstrative proof of its being the holy Apostolic Catholic Church. If mere extent of territory is to settle the question, then Paganism has the fairest claim to the dignity of Catholicism.

In letters 2, 3, 4, and 5, we have a short narrative of, what the Papists denominate, the "three conversions of England"-the first of which is fabulous, the second dubious, and the third so mixed with legendary lore, that it scarcely can be called historical. In letter sixth, Mr. Butler makes a strong attempt to rescue the character of St. Dunstan. We cannot say that it has at all altered our opinions respecting the imperious and insolent behaviour of that Prelate to his Sovereign; but as the story is related in an entertaining manner, we shall extract it as the most favourable specimen of Mr. Butler's style. After describing the indecorous behaviour of King Edwin in retiring from the presence of his assembled Nobles and Ecclesiastics, on the day of his Coronation, to resign himself to the blandishments of Ethelgiva and Elgiva, Mr. Butler thus goes on to set forth the conduct of the Saint on that occasion.

"The monarch was unwilling to quit the scene of infamy. Dunstan strongly represented to him the consequences of his conduct; dragged him from the embraces of the women; placed the crown upon his head; and returned with him to the banquet. It is surprising that the conduct of Dunstan, on this occasion, should be the subject of modern blame. The monarch had outraged decency, the clergy and nobles

Letters were accordingly dispatched, August 22d, 1553, requiring his immediate repair to the Court, to attend before the Lords of the Council-on two distinct causes. 1st, To answer to Dr. Heath, who had been deprived of the bishopric of Worcester in King Edward's days. 2ndly, To render an account to Dr. Bonner, Bishop of London, for the accusation brought against him which had led to his ejection.

The evil which was about to befal him, was not unforeseen by Hooper, for he had been expressly admonished by certain of his friends, to take measures for his safety by escape, but he would not take shelter from the impending storm. "Once did I flee," he said in answer to their warnings, " and took me to my feet, but now, because I am called to this place and vocation, I am thoroughly persuaded to tarry, and to live and die with my sheep."

Proceeding then to London in obedience to the summons, before he could reach Heath and Bonner, he was intercepted and commanded by force to appear before the Queen and her Council at Richmond, on the 29th of August, in answer to certain bonds and obligations, wherein he was said to be indebted to the Queen. As soon as he appeared before them, the Bishop of Winchester received him very opprobriously, and began to accuse him of his religion. In reply, he freely and boldly declared his sentiments, and defended himself. The result was, that he was committed to the Fleet-prison on the 1st of September-it being declared to him that the cause of his imprisonment was only for certain sums of money for which he was indebted to the Queen, and not for religion.

On the 19th of March of the following year, he was again cited before the Bishops of Winchester, London, Durham, Chichester, and Llandaff, acting as the Queen's Commissioners, and further questioned. The examination first turned on the subject of his marriage. When he acknowledged that he was married, "and would be so until death unmarried him,”-the Bishop of Durham observed, that this confession was matter enough for his deprivation. To this Hooper excepted, as contrary to law. An interruption here took place from the indecent outcries and laughter of the Commissioners and other persons present. Day, Bishop of Chichester, looking scornfully at him, using vehement language, called him hypocrite; Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, called him beast, which expression was repeated by several of the by-standers. Amidst this clamour they proceeded to argue to him the impropriety of the marriage of the Clergy-but the uproar was so great that Hooper could not be fairly heard in reply,-Judge Morgan, who was present, interposing much insulting calumny against Hooper's proceedings at Gloucester, saying, "that there never was such a tyrant as he was." After this, Tonstal asked Hooper whether he believed the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament. He answered plainly "that there was none such, neither did he believe any such thing." Tonstal was then about to read out of some book, but the noise was so great that he was obliged to give up the attempt. Gardiner next asked Hooper "what authority moved him not to believe the Corporal Presence?" He said, "the authority of God's word," and alleged this text-Whom the heaven must receive until the times of restitution of all things. Gardiner urged that this text served nothing to his purpose,-that Christ

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might be in heaven and in the Sacrament also, Hooper would have proceeded to enlarge on the text, but those who stood about Gardiner so seconded his saying with their clamours, that Hooper was not permitted to say any thing more in reply. Upon this, they bade the notaries write" that he was married, and that he said he would not leave his wife—and that he believed not the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament: -wherefore he was worthy to be deprived of his bishopric." And he was accordingly deprived of his bishopric, and again committed to the Fleet.

He had already been imprisoned nearly seven months, and in the course of that time had endured the greatest privations and sufferings. He paid on entering the prison five pounds, as fees for his liberty, to Babington, the Warden, who immediately on the receipt of the money, complained to Gardiner, and he was then put in close confinement in the Tower Chamber of the Fleet, where he experienced the worst usage. Through the kind offices of a female friend, he obtained liberty to come down to dinner and supper, though still not suffered to speak with any of his friends, but compelled immediately after those meals to return to his chamber. Even during these times of comparative relaxation, he received nothing but unkindness from the Warden and his wife, who took those opportunities of quarrelling with him, and complaining of him to their patron, the Bishop of Winchester.

These persons having reported him to Gardiner, on account of an altercation with him on the subject of the Mass; in consequence of this information, he was placed in the wards of the 'prison. Here he continued a long time, having nothing for his bed but a straw pallet, with a few feathers in it, and a rotten covering, in a loathsome chamber, on one side of which was the sink of the house, and on the other the town ditch, so that the offensive effluvia, with which he was assailed, infected him with disease. By means of some charitable persons however, he was supplied, after some time, with a more comfortable bed. Lying in this miserable state, secured closely with bars and chains, he would often in his distress call for help. But the unpitying Warden, though he knew him to be almost in a dying state, would suffer none of his men to come to his relief; only saying, "Let him alone, it were a good riddance of him." Notwithstanding all this cruel usage, he paid, as he says of himself, always "like a Baron" to the Warden, as well in fees, as for his board, which was twenty shillings a week, and besides for his servant, up to the time when he was deprived of his bishopric.

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His deprivation was succeeded by a similar course of treatment. He still continued to pay for his accommodation in the prison as the best gentleman in the house," though he was used "more vilely than the veriest slave that ever came to the Hall Commons." William Downton, his servant, was also imprisoned, and was searched for letters. But all they could find on his person, was a list of some compassionate friends whose alms had relieved his master in prison. This list the Warden delivered to Gardiner, to work the ruin of these persons. But it was some consolation to him, in the midst of these afflictions, to receive a letter, full of affectionate sympathy and encouraging con

solation, from Ridley, then also a prisoner for the Gospel, in reply to two letters which he had addressed to him. These two sincere disciples of Christ then felt that they were brothers indeed, notwithstanding their temporary alienation, and could not forbear pouring forth their hearts to each other in friendly correspondence.. "Your wisdom and my simplicity," says Ridley, in the course of his letter, "I grant, hath a little jarred, each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgment; now, I say, be you assured, that even with my whole heart, God is my witness, in the bowels of Christ, I love you in the truth and for the truth's sake, which abideth in us, and, as I am persuaded, shall, by the grace of God, abide in us for evermore"-words, which must have carried the balm of comfort into the very bosom of the poor sufferer.

When about ten months more had elapsed of this miserable confinement, he was again brought, in the custody of the Warden, before the Bishop of Winchester and other Commissioners, at the house of the Bishop, on the 22d of January, 1555. Gardiner then, in the name of himself and the rest, earnestly besought Hooper to return to the unity of the Catholic Church, and to acknowledge the Pope to be the Head of the Church, according to the determination of the Parliamentpromising, "that as he himself, with others, had received the Pope's blessing, and the Queen's mercy, so mercy was ready to be shewn to him and others, if he would arise with them, and condescend to the Pope's Holiness." Hooper answered, "that for as much as the Pope taught doctrines altogether contrary to the doctrine of Christ, he was not worthy to be accounted as a member of Christ's Church, much less to be Head thereof: wherefore he would in no wise condescend to any such usurped jurisdiction, neither esteemed he the Church, whereof they call him Head, to be the Catholic Church of Christ for the Church only heareth the voice of her spouse Christ, and flieth the strangers. Howbeit, said he, if in any point to me unknown, I have offended the Queen's majesty, I shall most humbly submit myself to her mercy, if mercy may be had with safety of conscience, and without the displeasure of God." To this it was replied, "that the Queen would shew no mercy to the Pope's enemies." Whereupon the Warden was commanded to take him back again to the Fleet.

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He was then removed from his late cell to a chamber near the Warden's own apartment. In the mean time, his cell was searched by Dr. Martin and others, for writings and books, but none were found.

After an interval of six days, he was again brought before the same Commissioners, at the church of St. Mary Overies. Having first undergone the harassing of disputation, he was set aside for a time, until Rogers, who was also brought up to receive a similar condemnation, had been examined. The examinations being ended, the Sheriff's of London were commanded, about four o'clock, to carry them both to the Counter in Southwark, there to remain until nine on the following morning, to see whether they would relent and return to the Roman Catholic Church. Hooper then went first with one of the Sheriffs, and Rogers after him with the other. When they were out of the Church, in which the Commissioners had assembled, Hooper, looking back and waiting until Rogers came near him, said, "Come, Brother Rogers,

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