[vi] III. A fecond peculiarity of the English Go- vernment.--The Divifion of the IV. A third Advantage peculiar to the Englih Government. The business of propofing Laws lodged in the V. In which an Inquiry is made, whether it would be an Advantage to pub- lic Liberty that the Laws fhould be VI. Advantages that accrue to the People from appointing Representatives VII. The Subject continued.-The Advan- tages that accrue to the People from appointing Reprefentatives are very VIII. The Subject concluded.-Effects that have refulted in the English Govern- ment, from the People's Power be- ing compleatly delegated to their IX. A farther Difadvantage of Rpublican Governments.-The People are ne- ceffarily betrayed by thofe in whom X. Fundamental difference between the English Government, and the Go- vernments just defcribed.-In Eng- land all Executive Authority is placed out of the hands of thofe in CHAP. Page XI. The Powers which the People themfelves exercife.-The Election of Members of Parliament 274 XII. The Subject continued.-Liberty of the Press 277 XIII. The Subject continued 293 303 XIV. Right of Refiftance XV. Proofs drawn from facts of the truth of the Principles laid down in this Work.-1. The peculiar manner in which Revolutions have always been concluded in England XVI. The Manner in which the Laws for the Liberty of the Subject are executed in England XVII. A more inward view of the English Government than has hitherto been offered to the Reader. Total difference between the English Monarchy, as a Monarchy, and all thofe with which we are acquainted XVIII. How far the examples of Nations that have loft their liberty are ap plicable to England. XIX. Conclufion.-A few words on the nature of the Divifions that take place in England 314 335 380 410 435 THE CONSTITUTION O F ENGLAND. INTRODUCTION. I HE fpirit of Philofophy which peculiarly distinguishes the present age, after having corrected a number of errors fatal to Society, seems now to be directed towards the principles of Society itself; and we see prejudices vanish, which are difficult to overcome, in proportion as it is dangerous to attack B them. (a) This rifing freedom of fentiment, the neceffary forerunner of political freedom, led me to imagine, that it would not be unacceptable to to the Public, to be made acquainted with the principles of a Conftitution, on which the eye of curiofity feems now to be univerfally turned; and which, though celebrated as a model of perfection, is yet but little known to its admirers. I am aware, that it will be deemed presumptuous in a Man who has paffed the greatest part of his life out of England, to attempt a delineation of the English Government; a fyftem, which is fuppofed to be fo complicated as not to be understood, or developed, but by thofe who have been (a) As every popular notion, which may contribute to the support of an arbitrary Government, is at all times vigilantly protected by the whole strength of it, political prejudices are, laft of all, if ever, fhaken off by a Nation fubjected to such a Government. A great change in this respect, however, has of late taken place in France, where opinions are now difcuffed, and tenets avowed, which, in the time of Lewis the fourteenth, would have appeared downright blafphemy: it is to this an allufion is made here. |