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escort. The people simply assembled and advised the officers to go back. Simple-minded, they did not conceive that giving such good advice was the heinous crime of " deforcing an officer. Not a hair of his head was touched, not a rag of his clothing soiled, nor a bone of his body left to bleach upon the field of fame. Still for this, the crofters of Herbista have been hunted ever since at all hours by expeditions, and forced to live in the caves and holes of the earth, without even the protecting care of the gamekeeper, which they would get if they were vermin, and not men.

Callous, because it held the lives and liberties of men and women as the sport of an irate sheriff-officer, and a sycophantish reporter, too unmanly to tell the truth and shame his devil of an employer. One day, a herd, John Beaton by name, is descried on a hill, doing nothing but minding his own business, and for this heinous offence is captured. The sheriff-officer and the said reporter identify him, cock-sure about it, as having been in the crowd that deforced the officers. He is marched off twenty-three miles to prison, and after three days it is discovered that he was not within two miles of the scene of deforcement, and he is liberated and presumably allowed to find his way back to his flocks and herds. No man is entitled to or justified in making a mistake respecting his fellow in a matter which may subject him to a criminal charge. The accused must have the benefit of any doubt; and people who act as this officer and reporter did, inust be characterised as reckless liars.

Cruel, because of inhumanity, Macdonald, the sheriff-officer, bullied and pushed the people about who had merely come to say good-bye to their friends made prisoners, and went so far one day in pushing people with his stick and striking small boys when the marines were present, that Sheriff Hamilton, in command that day, instead of the Sheriff Ivory, publicly reprimanded him. A Mrs. McRae, the delicate mother of six or seven children, the youngest a baby of five months old, was identified by the above-named pair of liars as having been present at the time of deforcement, and wielded a scythe. Her hut was searched, and, of course, a scythe was found there, as it could be found in every hut. Off she must go. Unable to walk without a stick, she was dragged through miles of boggy peat moss, a neighbouring woman coming with her to help to carry the infant, while the rest were left at home to the uncovenanted mercies of the All Father. When she arrived at the prison of Portree, the doctor saw she was in a terrible state of weak

ness, and begged Sheriff Ivory to release her. Catch him! It was about the only catch he had made, and unless he arrested the cocks and hens of Herbista for crowing and clucking at his mightiness, it was getting evident he would have no other living thing, so "his lordship referred to her having brandished the back of a scythe at the sheriff-officer-a feat which rather told against her plea of weakness." In that short sentence he, the judge, prejudged her case, on the unsupported testimony of the twin Ananiases above refered to.

What need to continue, when all is of a piece with this lovely specimen of judicial fairness and common humanity, and what prospect of justice is before those arrested?

But we have been dealing with Mr. Ivory qua policeman. Just let us see how evil connections corrupt judicial manners. We all know the tactics of the common, low policeman of the towns. If he is unnecessarily maltreating some helpless unfortunate, and you, in your humanity, attempt to remonstrate as a passerby, you are quickly charged with molesting in discharge of duty, and arrested. If you have friends with you who follow to the station to see justice done, they are allowed to do so, and then also arrested as aiders, abettors, and all the other alphabet gamut of the scoundrels. This has the sweet effect of muzzling the lot. This is now the game in Skye. Nicolson, along with Donald Kemp, was in the telegraph office, and overheard Sheriff Ivory bullying Neish, the postmaster, and Miss Mackenzie, the telegraphist, so as to get possession of the contents of telegrams to which he had no right. Nicolson made affidavit of the fact, and he was "on the list." He was arrested.

J. G. Mackay, of Portree, a merchant there who has long fought for the crofter cause, and fed the crofters when the landlords had denuded them, had pointed out by figures that cannot be controverted that rents in Skye had been trebled in some estates in the last thirty years, and, worse than that, publicly drew attention to the facts about arrears of rates before alluded to, and the dishonesty of any expedition; all this before it set out. Muzzle him.

John MacPherson, the good and the honest, the trusted leader of his fellows, irreproachable in life and conduct, had advised his neighbours to pay rates, but demand justice about rents. Muzzle him. The Rev. Donald MacCallum, following the footsteps of the Master he is ordained to serve, denounces the Scribes and Pharisees who have made God's temple of Skye a den of thieves. Muzzle him.

Edinburgh juries and Edinburgh Lords of Session will no doubt vindicate the

we.

majesty of the law. Let them say Let them drag all respect for established law down to the mire, and below it. Let the prisoners go to prison, tried or untried it is all the same, that will but feed the fire that has been lit to make it blaze out in many a land, but let us see to it that the wives and weans are fed and clothed while the breadwinner is away. Tried or untried we said, and we emphasise it. Many people wondered why the witnesses for the defence in the case of the Tiree crofters who were present were not examined. Most people, judging from the evidence, thought it was because there was no case against the prisoners. Not at all. We have it on the authority of Mr. Angus Campbell, who was the law agent for the defence, that he was informed that if these men went into the witness-box and testified that they were present on the occasion of the alleged deforcing proceedings, they would be arrested as they came out as participators.

Reader, con these facts. Ponder and learn them. Send them to your Member of Parliament, and ask him will he join in the demand we now make that justice shall be equal, and law administrators punished equally with law-abiders, if lawlessness, callousness, and cruelty mark their administration?

WILLIAM SIMPSON.

ADDENDUM. That the language used in this article is not too strong, and that the language used by the deputation who waited upon Mr. Balfour yesterday was far too weak, the annexed extract from the Scotsman of to-day, 19th November, which must have been missed in the sub-editing, will amply demonstrate. The Scotsman is openly hostile to the crofters, and in a leading article to-day applauds Mr. Balfour for his reply to the deputation, sneers at the remarks of those who composed it, and generally scoffs at crofter wrongs. We have always said landlordism was human slavery writ small. Will the poor wee bairnie and the faithful collie have to go, or will landlordism be satisfied by showing that it has power even over the children and the dogs. Having poinded them why should it be put to the expense of feeding them? Why not do with the baby as it has done with the hens similarly attached, kill and eat them.

"The officer's zeal seemed to outrun his discretion when he visited the township of Peiness, where a poinding of the effects of William Macrae, now in prison, was to be carried out. Mrs. Macrae met the party at the door, but as she declined to point out the stock belonging to the croft, the officer had to con

fine his attention to the stackyard and the household furniture, the latter being very scanty. The woman's seven little children were gathered together in one apartment, the youngest, a baby of two months, being rocked in a ricketty cradle by a mite of a girl, apparently not over two years of age. The scene inside the hut was painful enough, and there was ample evidence of the utmost poverty. But the officer, callous to a degree, and even straining his legal powers, poinded the sleeping infant and the cradle, entering his human effect and its bed in the valuation schedule at the price of sixpence. There was a feeling of resentment amongst the police at what appeared an unnecessary act of frivolity, repellant to the feelings of nature. Among the other articles poinded to make up the £20 of rent due was the crofter's collie dog, which was also valued at sixpence, although it is doubtful if the asset will be realised." W. S.

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ON the broad, rich prairies of the West men are deteriorating mentally and physically, in spite of our free schools and nature's wonderful bounty. Stripping great areas of land of forest and verdure has wrought a marked change for the worse in a climate variable and extreme to begin with; but if we change the interest in the land from acquisition to improvement, human ingenuity the soil as it has made in the tools with which would make as wonderful progress in bettering we till it. Use the land as we should use it, and our climate would grow better instead of worse; and since the moral nature of man springs out of his material conditions, society too would improve, while we should find that the limit of human subsistence was the limit of human intelligence, rather than the natural capacity of the soil.American Paper.

LORD CHURCHILL has been on the Continent, and, sharp observer as he is, has learned much on his travels. In Berlin he found himself confronted with caricatures in which he was represented bound Troubles." Wherever Lord Churchill went on the round the head with bandages marked "Irish Continent he was reminded that, so long as Irish rights are not conceded, England can afford to play no prominent or striking part in European politics. -The Nation.

Or late there has been too great a tendency to fetish-worship. Mr. Disraeli was a fetish. Mr. Gladstone was a fetish. Lord Randolph Churchill is rapidly assuming the position of a fetish. All this is well for the Conservatives, whose doctrine is that the few are born to rule, and the many to obey. But it is contrary to the very idea of Radicalism, which is that the collective voice of all is a better guide than the wisdom of one. Our fetish should be our principles.—Truth

ROBBERY BY THE

The Dauntsey Charity.

CHARITY

The advent of a Tory Government has put energy into the Charity Commissioners, as they now see a prospect of carrying into effect schemes which would not be sanctioned with Liberals in office.

The Commissioners have therefore decided

to push forward their scheme for confiscating the Dauntsey Charity, and securing several thousands a year for three guinca dinners,

instead of almshouses and free education.

Nothing but the interposition of Parliament can prevent this proposed confiscation taking effect, and upon the leader of the House of Commons devolves the responsibility of deciding whether or not this robbery of the poor shall take place.

There never was, or will be, a clearer case. More than three hundred years ago, in 1542, Alderman Dauntsey left property in London for the support of a free school and alms houses at West Lavington, in Wiltshire.

The property comprises twenty-one houses, within 500 yards of the Bank of England, and cannot be worth less than £6,000 per annum.

The terms of the will are unmistakeable. They do not sanction the appropriation of a farthing of the property to any other purpose than that stated.

The Mercers' Company, who are the executors under the will, have maintained a free school for about sixty boys, and kept ten aged persons in the almshouses.

The value and proper cost of this work is less than one-tenth of the income from the property.

A complaint from the parishioners led to an investigation by the Charity Commission. After an inquiry, the Commissioner admitted the necessity for action, and then took a rest for six years.

They have now propounded a scheme.

COMMISSIONERS.

Under this scheme the whole of the property is to be handed over to the Mercers' Company on their paying down £30,000, or about one-fourth of its value.

Thus the Mercers' Company will obtain a Parliamentary title which will condone all previous breaches of trust, and put them in the absolute possession of £90,000 as a premium for plunder.

By this act the hearts of all public plunderers will be rejoiced and encouraged. They will see that upon the discovery of fraud the only punishment awarded is the presentation to them of the property which has been fraudu lently administered.

When the £30,000 has been obtained £16,000 is to be invested and reserved until it becomes sufficient to establish a county school, from which the poor will derive no benefit.

The remaining £14,000 will produce an income of £420 per annum, of which £250 is to be appropriated to the almshouses, and £65 to scholarships, leaving only £105 per annum for the parish school.

The school, which has been free for 340 years, is to cease to be a free school, and thus from one of the poorest districts in England the CHARITY Commission will confiscate the right of free education.

This free education the poor have enjoyed from the proceeds of property left to them, and to this property they have an absolute and inalienable right.

This confiscation is to be made in order to enable the masters of cne of the richest corporations in London to add to their luxuries, and to gorge more turtle on the proceeds of the pence of the poor hard working labourers of an agricultural village.

Nothing but the intervention of Parliament can avail for the salvation of this charity, for legal action is out of the question. Our law courts are available only for supporting

fraud. Law is so costly that honest men cannot pay for it, whereas those who expect personal benefit at the public expense do not hesitate to incur the costs, with the confident expectation that private will prevail over public

interests.

The case is this:

The will is extant.
Its purport is unmistakeable.
The property is intact.

Nothing but frand could have interposed to prevent the application of the property to the purposes stated in the will.

Nothing but the intervention of Parliament can stop this fraud or prevent its final consum

mation.

What we want at the present moment is for every elector or non-elector, whether Tory, Liberal, or Radical, who reads these lines to send a copy thereof to the Member of Parliament who sits for his constituency with a letter from himself.

Any member receiving such a letter and failing to attend thereto would be unworthy of further support.

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Under this title the Rev. Samuel A. Barnett has contributed an article to the Nineteenth Century, which is full of genuine sympathy and practical suggestions. These suggestions are founded upon personal experience gained in a life devoted to the work of charity. Mr. Barnett's paper is highly useful, but not encouraging. He realises the alarming fact that distress is gaining and charity is failing. Not only is there more absolute poverty and want, but, as the suffering occasioned by privation is naturally relative, and the contrast between those who the distress of the poor is rapidly becoming want and those who waste is daily increasing,

more acute.

Mr. Barnett tells us that "last winter's experience clears away all uncertainty, and shows that there is a vast mass of people in London whose life is dwarfed and shortened by want of food and clothing."

In the three months during which the Mansion House Fund was administered 20 per for relief, and from St. George's in the East cent. of the population in Whitechapel applied the proportion of applicants was 29 per cent.; moreover, all in need did not apply, and many thousands were assisted by other agencies.

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In spite of such deplorable and indisputable facts, the condition of the people hardly receives as much attention as that which Sir J. trifling are the efforts of charity compared with Lubbock gives to the ant and the wasps." How the needs of the people is obvious from a reference to the amount supplied from the Mansion House Fund for St. George's in the East. To. this district £2,000 was appropriated. "There were nearly 4,000 applicants, representing 20,000

In a few days will be published a pamphlet giving the history of the Dauntsey Charity and the action of the charity Commissioners, with a verbatim copy of the ancient wills. The pamphlet will be forwarded on receipt of one shilling by Mr. Samuel Saunders, Lavington, Wilts. The proceeds, with any additional sub-persons. scriptions, will be applied to the expenses incurred in maintaining the rights of the poor with reference to this charity.

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READ this, ye lordly landowners. In China they have a compulsory cultivation law, and in every village there is an Agricultural Board, consisting of old and experienced men, who sit in judgment on defaulters. Every Chinese landowner or occupier who neglects to cultivate his land according to the regulations is punished with stripes-so many stripes for every acre of land uncultivated. What nice little floggings the Duke of Sutherland and other landowners would be entitled to if they had only the luck to be Chinamen!-London Paper.

All of these were in distress—were,

that is, cold and hungry."

In contrast to the smallness of the relief compared to the mass of misery, let us notice the well-ascertained fact that landlordism robs the British community to the extent of four pounds per head per annum. It takes from the proceeds of industry £150,000,000 per annum for the benefit of the idle under the name of land rent, i.e., for the use of the land which Nature has freely provided for the use of man. The paralysis of industry, which is caused by landlordism, takes from the working classes in the shape of reduced wages at least as much as the rent. Thus the robbery occasioned by landlords is not less than £8 per head per annum, and the 20,000 applicants for relief were actually robbed by landlordism

during the three months over which the relief operations extended to the amount of £40,000, or twenty times as much as the relief given. Charity is the most commendable and effective of Christian virtues, but it is not surprising that it fails to produce good results when in its most active state it meets only five per cent. of the robbery to which its recipients are subjected.

Mr. Barnett tells us that "the tendency of the fund has been to create a belief in lies." The condition of society under which the poor are mercilessly and legally robbed by a breach of trust on the part of rulers is such a huge fraud that so long as it is approved and continues "a belief in lies" is bound to prevail.

The recipients of the relief are "bitter on account of disappointed hopes." They must be disappointed when they are led to expect satisfaction from an occasional return of 5 per cent. of the amount of which they are defrauded. When Zaccheus had taken anything of any man by false accusation, he restored fourfold. In modern times we expect to secure salvation on easier terms, and calculate that a shilling in the pound on the amount stolen is a return from which we should expect good results.

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Mr. Barnett is awake to the gravity of the situation. He says "The failure of the latest method of relief has been made as manifest as the poverty, and no prophet is needed to tell that bad times are coming.' He then goes on to discuss many minor matters with masterly judgment, evidently the result of an intimate acquaintance with the difficulties of the case. But he is as far as the Pharisees of old from seeing or touching the real burden of the poor. He does not see that every sovereign of value received by the so-called owners of land as rent, for which they have done nothing, must be created by the labourers, who to that extent are unpaid for their work.

Mr. Barnett clearly lays down the principle that human life will not be a success until "all know God as the Father who requires rich and poor to be perfect sharers in His gifts of knowledge, beauty, and joy, as well as in His gifts of virtue, forgiveness, and peace." To this great truth we humbly subscribe, and seek its attain ment. But those noble, and we add natural, developments of human life cannot be attained until human governments make right instead of might their rule, and the weak rather than the strong their care. The Fatherhood of God involves the brotherhood of man, and not until this principle is manifested by all to all, and especially by the governors to the

governed, shall we realise those blessings which have been abundantly provided for mankind.

A DEMOCRAT'S LETTER TO CHILDREN.

MY DEAR CHILDREN,-Last month you read in my letter about some very rich people and some very poor people; and perhaps you have sometimes asked in your minds whether it is right that some should be so very poor, and some others so very rich. I believe that I can answer this question in part. I am not sure whether it is right that any one should be very rich; but I am sure it is right that some persons should be very poor. Persons who will not work, or who will not take the trouble to learn how to do anything more than they can do already, or who spend their money as fast as they get it, in drink or in goodies-it is right these should be poor and very poor.

But, alas! as things are, many of the persons of this sort are rich, and many industrious, careful, and self-denying persons are very poor. THE DEMOCRAT is published on purto make clear to you what are the causes of this state of matters.

pose

Suppose a number of us were to go to a part of the world where nobody was living, where the ground mostly was stones and pools and forest, no roads, and where there were snakes and fierce beasts. We go and clear and plant the ground, and spoil the snakes' hiding-places, and scare away the fierce beasts or kill them, and raise cattle and sheep, and rear horses and train them, and make roads, and build houses, and lay out gardens. Now suppose that a number of men should come and say that unless we paid them so many hundred pounds a year they would drive us off. Suppose, too, that we are forced to pay it because they are stronger than we. Of course, this puts us back a good way; but, however, we get things up again, and go on improving and improving, till the place and the things in it are worth twice as much as when the enemy first came. Well, the enemy comes again and tells us that we must pay him twice as much a year. Don't you see, if this sort of thing went on, how hard we might have to work, and all the while how poor we might remain.

Now, very much this sort of thing does go on in our own country. For example, you know how some of your fathers and some of their fathers have worked and worked so as to improve London more and more. They have built houses and made roads, and streets, and drains, and water-courses, and subscribed for

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