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A WORKMAN'S SECRET.

PART VII.

The Monday night came on which Mr. Jacob Rope-, a bright fire blazing on the hearth, the table set worthy was to serve humanity by stealing a secret daintil y by Katie for supper when they should return that the owner would not sell. But the owner was from the lecture, and the gas lit, so that he had only prepared for him.

to turn it up and go on with his business. When the hour of lecture came Robert Makinnon - Now," said Mr. Ropeworthy to himself, “ this is went out as if nothing was further from his thoughts burglary made easy." than the possibility of being robbed. When he reached Then he went coolly to the cupboard where the little the end of the street in which he lived he stopped, I engine was placed. There it was in its box, andhowever, and turning the corner, there he found Mr. surely never did fortune so shine upon a burglar-it Robertson waiting for him.

was unlocked. Slowly be opened the box, and was just " All right?” inquired the latter,

about to lay his hand upon the machine when the sound * Yes, all right."

of a pleasant voice made him start as if a pistol had " I saw a man skulking opposite, and he was built been fired at his ear. like Ropeworthy."

“Good evening, Mr. Burglar!" "Well, we are ready, too."

Mr. Ropeworthy turned. At the open door of the "Yes. Look bere, Katie, you must walk on, and room stood Makinnon and Robertson. Each of them leare Mr. Robertson and me alone."

had a cigar in his mouth, and were observing the " But you won't get into danger, will you?"

burglar's proceedings with an air of the deepest inte“ No, lass, there is no danger about Ropeworthy. / rest. Once he is found out he is too much a political phi- ' " Good erening. Mr. Burglar!" losopher to make matters worse by struggling," | Ropeworthy gasped as he looked from one to the

The two men, after taking leave of Katie, entered a other of the absolutely grave faces before him. house in the street turning at right angles from that in Makinnon, entering the room, shut the door behind which Makinnon lived. Now, in Scotland most houses him, but did not take the trouble to lock it. Robertof any position are built in squares, fronting four streets son then took a chair and Makinnon another. and having behind them a large portion of ground laid " Sit down, Mr. Thief," said Makinnon quietly, and out in greens for the drying of clothes. Thus each Ropeworthy, still not quite sure if he dreamed or not, house has a back door and a front door, the latter also took a chair. leading to the street, the former to the greens. From “Now, Mr. Thief, we have met before. Outside the the doors flights of stairs lead to the three, four, and house just now you wore a black beard. At present sometimes six flats into which the houses are divided. you wear red hair. Your own hair is much prettier." Now, as the greens—the plots of grass—in this inner And, leaning forward, Makinnon snatched off the wig square are divided from each other other only by small with which Ropeworthy had covered his own scanty palings, it was easy for Makinnon and Robertson to locks. get back into Makinnon's house unperceived by anyone "Ah! do my eyes deceive me! can it be Mr. Ropewatching in the street.

worthy, honest Ropeworthy - Mr. Ropeworthy, the As soon as they got inside they cautiously approached Conservative champion ?" the window, and, surely enough, under the gas lamp on "Now, look here, Makinnon," said Ropeworthy, who the opposite side of the way they saw a man loitering bad by this time recovered the splendid audacity that and looking fixedly at the house.

makes a thief or a politician successful, and which Suddenly ho moved away, and they asked themselves made Mr. Ropeworthy successful in both capacities if they had been mistaken. Was that not the right "you can get me ten years if you like ; do you mean man, or, if it were, had he lost courage and dared not to do it?" do the deed which he had come to do? They were “That dopends. I may and I may not. But tell wrong. It was the man, and his purpose was fixed and me who put you ap to this ? You would never hare firm. But he was too clever, after loitering opposite a thought of it yourself." house and watching it, to try to enter it. There are "Well, look here, Makinnon, you can get me ten always people who watch watchers and stop themselves years if I don't tell you, and the man who put me up to to see what causes a man to loiter. "

it can get me ten years if I do tell you. Now, what is Mr. Ropeworthy walked away, and as he went took a poor fellow to do?" off a black beard that he had on. Thus, if anyone had 4 Well, if you won't tell me, I can tell you. It was noticed the loiterer they would proceed to give, after Mr. Norman Firebrace." the robbery, a false description of the robber.

“ That is a clever guess, but you are wrong." Having done this, Mr. Ropeworthy walked back “ No, I am right, and he promised you two hundred hastily and with an air of business, putting his foot on pounds for doing it." the ground with that firm and ringing tread that is " The devil!" supposed to denote an honest and a prosperous man. - No, it was no friend of yours that told me this." He even whistled. Not Policeman X would suspect “ Well, if you know that, what more do you want ?' that tbis bustling, musical citizen was hurrying along "I am going with you to meet Mr. Norman Fireto put an evil design into execution.

brace." When he reached the house he did not pause or hesi. "I can't-I won't. I would rather meet the deril.' tate, but entered as one who was at home. None were “ Time enough for the latter. But would you rather on the stairs or the landings. He put a key into the meet Mr. Fire brace or a policeman ?". door and the lock turned, he used another key and the "Ab, Mr. Makinnon, nobody can resist your argudoor opened. Then he shut it behind him. He even mente." knew the room where the little engine was kept. En. “Well, yes; the policeman is the strongest argutering it, be found the blinds drawn, the shutters shut 'ment that can be used to men like you."

In a few minutes Makinnon and Ropeworthy entered | who had become dear to him that he was an unsuccesza cab and drove to the house of Mr. Norman Firebrace. ful thief and a successful liar, and so he merely bowed It may be imagined that they did not speak much to dryly as he uttered these ambiguous words. one another. Makinnon was deeply absorbed with the « And what do you mean to do with the rogue?" question how far he ought to be severe to one who had asked Mr. Firebraco with some anxiety, for he dreaded meditated him a great wrong and how far he could be what Ropeworthy might say when released from his merciful to Helen's father. Mr. Ropeworthy was medi. | own threatening and controlling influence. tating whether Mr. Firebrace would not turn upon him “I mean to let him go." and rend him. Among rogues there are orders and "Really?" said Mr. Firebrace with a slight sneer, degrees, and the rogue in a small way has a profound thinking that this was another proof of how estradread for the roque in a big way. Jacob Ropeworthy ordinary was Makinnon's mind and his notion of thingy. stood in absolute terror of Norman Firebrace.

“Yes, he can go." . The cab stopped, and the two men walked up the “Is that quite fair to gociety?" asked Mr. Firebrace, steps that lel to Mr. Firebra ce's house.

still continuing his sneer. * Announce Mr. Ropewortby," said Makinnon to the "Perhaps not," said Makinnon, looking thoughtfally servant.

from one to the other, “but I do not think in this case Mr. Firebrace was walking up and down his room it would be right to punish the little rogue and let the in that restless state of mind which afflicts those who big rogue go." have to wait while others are doing. Every minute Mr. Firobrace found it convenient not to hear this his eye sought the clock, and never, it seemed to him, speech. did minutes go so slow. They absolutely seemed to "And so," said Makinnon, “I will wish yon both crawl. At last it struck nine, a cab drove up to the good night." and without another word he went out, door, he heard the house-bell ring, and a minute after | leaving the two men together staring at one another, he rushed to the door of the room to meet face to face Then the calm broke that had hung crer Mr. Firewith Robert Makinnon.

brace. Curses and oaths poured from his lips in one Involuntarily Vr. Firebrace started back, and for a sulphurous stream. moment his flushed face grew pale. Then it reddened Ropeworthy hung back abashed at the profane again as he darted an angry glance at Ropeworthy, torrent. At length he succeeded in making Mr, Firewhose bent head and sneaking form he just observed. brace understand how little he had been to blame. Only a moment his agitation lasted, and then he turned " But who could have told him?" asked that gentleto Makinnon quietly, authoritatively, as any master might man as he again grew calm. turn to any servant, “ Well, Makinaon,” he said, “what “I don't know,” said Ropeworthy. do you want, and who have you got with you?"

“I told him, father,' said a sweet, quiet, c'ear voice, “ Answer, Ropeworthy," said Makinnon.

and the men, turning, saw that the door had opened “Gur'nor," said that worthy, “it's no use, we're and Helen Firebrace stood listening to what they said. found out."

"You told him?" “ Found out in what, and by whom, and who are “ Yes, father. I overheard your proposal to rob

him, and I gave him warning.” “Come, guv'nor, Mr. Makinnon here knows all abou: " And you dare tell this to me?" our little game."

" I tell because it would be cowardly for me not to “Our little game?"

tell you." “ Yes, gur'nor, onr little game,"replied Ropeworthy, Mr. Firebrace did not again break out into a passion. with a dogged perseverance.

On the contrary, his face grew deadly pale as he looked "What do you mean?'

at the silent girl, whose face was as pale as his own. “I mean this, that you employed me to steal Makin " You told him?" he again mechanically repeated non's machine, that he found out (how I don t know), "You told him?" and that he nabbed me in the very act, and told me all ! “Father," said the girl, startled and alarmed at his about our bargain, although who told him I don't tone, “ What do you mean?”. know."

“I mean that I am ruined by my own daughter!" Mr. Firebrace rose to his feet, and advanced to Rope

(To be continued.) worthy with a threatening gesture. “Do you mean to say that I, I, employed you to

_:0:steal ?"

A YOUNG MAY in this city, having a little capital Ropeworthy looked at the man with trembling limbs,

and intending to open a store, found a suitable and then said:

place and offered to rent it, but the landlord would “No, I'll swear you did not.” “But you did try to steal ?"

not let the premises unless the tenant would take "I did.'

a lease for three years. The store project was “ Who prompted you?

given up, for, said the young man, “ If my busi« Nobody."

ness does not pay, I will be loaded for three years * And why did you try to steal ?"

with a lease at high rent, and if it succeeds my "I wanted to get the machine."

rent will be raised as soon as the lease expires. « Makinnon's secret ?

In either case I ain likely to be ruined." - The " Yes."

Standard, New York. “ And what would you have done with it?"

There are two sides to every question, and of " I would have sold it." “ To me?"

course there are two sides to all the questions “ To you or anybody."

affeoting the settlement of the problem of how " You see, Mäkinnon," said Mr. Firebrace, " the Labour shall obtain all the results of its industry. poor rogue has been trying to share the burden of his | The right of Labour to this is not a question : it crime and make it less heavy. What do you think?" is a truth ; and there are not and cannot be two

"I think more than I would care to say," said sides to the truth. - The Canadian Labour Re. Makinnon, who did not like to tell the father of a girl | former,

we?"

" THEY HAVE RIGHTS WHO DARE MAINTAIN THEM."

VOL. IV.–No. 104.

JULY, 1887.

Price TwoPence.

NO RENT.

NO LIBERTY, NO RENT.

his friends and of triumph to his opponents. On the day that the Coercion Act comes into He actually re-opens, instead of closing, the operation in Ireland the payment of land rent question of excluding the Irish Members from should cease. This Act substitutes might for | Westminster. To say that this may be left an right; it is an appeal to the law of force. Let i open question to be probably settled by excluding it be accepted as such. To force the landlords them for a time is to throw once more the whole have appealed ; by their standard let the issue subject into confusion. be decided. The power of the Government to A lady may as well leave it open to concollect rents will depend solely on the attitude sideration whether she shall be virtuous, as a of the 2,500,000 occupiers of land in Ireland. Liberal politician recognise the possibility of Let them, or the great majority of them, deter separating government and representation. mine to pay no more rent, and the Government This separation, whether for a time or for ever, would be powerless. By their utmost efforts, involves the denial of the first principle of with great difficulty and amidst the execrations Liberal government. There are not twenty of the whole world, the Government have members of the House of Commons who do not evicted five thousand occupiers during the see this. Mr. Gladstone's first lieutenant, Lord present year. Could they evict five hundred Rosebery, ridiculed, at Plymouth, the idea of times that number? They could not. The excluding the Irish members, even partially, task is obviously impossible. Not a tenth part from the House of Commons, and we, therefore, of the present occupiers could be evicted before expected at Swansea a clear and definite statethe plan of eviction would break down, and the ment to the effect that no suggestion of exclusion tenants would remain masters of the situation should be allowed any longer to paralyse the

In all cases let the degree of resistance be, in Liberal party. Until that statement is made accordance with Davitt's recommendation, as the Liberal party will be merely a rope of sand. much as is “reasonable ;” but the success of this action would depend upon numbers, rather than

MICHAEL DAVITT'S ADVICE. upon force. Let tenants combine in sufficient MICHAEL DAVITT advises Irish tenants to offer numbers and they will win. The unpaid rent all reasonable resistance to eviction. It is should be expended or sent to friends in America. difficult to see how any humane and sensible National leagues and other combinations may person can quarrel with this advice. If a man become impossible, and therefore the policy should ever resist, he ought to do so in defence adopted must be of a character to permit of of his home, of his wife, and of his children. individuals acting. For such a campaign No one disputes the fact that these evictions leaders would be unnecessary. Let the people are unjust, the only plea for them is that they once be imbued with the spirit of individual are legal. The fact that they are legal increases responsibility, they would know their duty and the wrong and does not lessen the suffering. they would do it.

All experience shows that so long as people

submit to legal injustice it will be continued. GLADSTONE'S OPPORTUNITY. Michael Davitt has learned this lesson and In his Welsh campaign, Mr. Gladstone enjoyed has the courage to teach it. Would any one what may be his last opportunity of uniting desire that the Bodyke evictions should have the Liberal party. The manner in which he been allowed to fling women and children from used it is a source of great disappointment to the homes which their husbands had erected

without any resistance ? For fifty years the people have quietly submitted to eviction until a total of three and a half millions have been evicted. Has not brutality and injustice been allowed sufficient rope ? The introduction of the Crimes Act when there is comparatively little crime in Ireland, and therepeated announcement of the Government that they intend to collect rents whether earned or not, shows that nothing can be gained by passive submission.

expect a millennium ; mistakes will be committed, and those bad ones. There will be the tyranny of the caucus to be faced and trampled down; we must endure the politician whose existence depends on his party; we must expect-and fight againstbribery and wholesale corruption when a class of professional politicians, poor, unscrupulous, grasping, will be continually, by every evil act, by every lying statement, by every creeping business, endeavouring to climb into power; we shall have to awaken from apathy those who are anxious to avoid the arena of politics, yet, by education and natural abilities are called upon to lead. Yet, who, even in the face of certain dangers, the cer. tain mistakes, of Democracy, shall say that terrible mistakes have not already been made? There is always hope where there is freedom ; let us trust in the common sense of the nation, and remain steadfast in that trust."

LANDLORDS' RIGHTS. THE Grimsby correspondent of the Eastern Morning News, reports that the “Pastures Committee” have rejected the offer of the Corporation to purchase the Freemen's Estate. The correspondent expresses his opinion that the offer will not be renewed. The reasons upon which this opinion is founded are well worth noting. He says :

"The estates known as the Freemen's Estates are to all intents and purposes the property of the mayor, aldermen, and burgesses of the borough of Grimsby. In the dim and distant past, by the practice of a bit of low cunning, a section of the community secured to themselves an exclusive interest in these estates, but it was a fraud upon the clear intention of the original charter. “In common honesty, every burgess of the borough paying scot and lot rates and taxes ought to share equally all the rights, privileges, and emoluments of citizenship. As a matter of fact, the tenure upon which the Freemen hold their property is morally bad, and the time is not far distant when a onesided injustice like this will be swept away, and the property now held by a section of the burgesses will be held and enjoyed by every burgess alike. And, what is more to the point at the present moment, we shall get our right without paying for

A NOBLE BRUTE. At one time, when Democrats have spoken true and bitter words against the uselessness of the aristocracy, they have been confronted with the exception of Lord Lytton. “Here, at least,” they said, “is a great man sprung from a noble house and one who, having the privileges of nobility, used them all and abused none of them.” Democrats admitted the exception. Yet they were fearfully mistaken. A biography has lately been published of Lady Lytton which reveals a tale so ghastly that good men will hardly care, by reading it to their wives and daughters, to hint to them that the world is so bad. This dead scoundrel married a lovely and virtuous girl, only winning her after long and arduous wooing. With her married life began her misery. He kept a perfect harem of mistresses and spent on them her fortune. He kicked her at that time when the very women of the street grow sacred with the claims of coming motherhood. He beat her—this blackguard who disgraced the trade of book-making. At last she spoke out. What then did that society which claims to be society and to rule the manners and morals of the rest? Did it pity her, did it avoid him ? It pitied him and avoided her. For him all the sympathy, for her the blame, the hatred, the scorn. Society was against her. Poor, warm-hearted, ruined lady. Can a man be good and an aristocrat ? Sometimes, we should say, but seldom.

it."

The description of the action and position of the Grimsby Freemen is exactly that of all landlords.

THE WAY THE WIND BLOWS. THE following sentences close Mr. Walter Besant's able article, extending over thirty pages, in The Graphic Jubilee number, showing that a strong current “towards Democracy” has set in. Noting the decay of the agricultural interest, he says :

"As for the House of Lords and the English aristocracy, they cannot survive the day when the farms can do no more than support the hands that till the soil.

"All the power that there is we have given to the people, who are now waiting for a prophet to teach them how best to use it. I trust I am under no illusions; Democracy has many dangers and many evils; but these seem to me not so bad as those others which we have shaken off, I do not

MODERATION, The name of United Ireland has been a bugbear to the timid. It has meant to them unutterable things. And yet we find United Ireland now speaking of Britain and the British people in tones so warm and so generous that we start

in amazement. If only the effort of a portion matters that concern Ireland no more than they of a party for conciliation leads so far and to concern Britain. so much, what would be done by conciliation itself? The Irish people are generous, let us

Do we not respect Mr. Gladstone? We look meet their generosity.

upon him as the greatest moral influence of the

age. Do we not follow him? We have given YES AND NO.

him, since he cast his bankrupt Bills into the THE question of the hour is the question that fire, the loyalist support that was consistent has been made by political incapacity the with honesty. But in one thing we cannot question of every hour for the last ten years.

follow him—to something that will lead to the What are we to do about Ireland ?

disintegration of the Empire, that is of the

Republic that is to be.
The situation is disheartening. Some of us

* * * * have followed Mr. Gladstone as never leader

We have pointed out to Mr. Gladstone a way. was followed before. When the great Irish

It is not our own invention, but is the way that Bills were introduced, the DEMOCRAT stood out

for a hundred years has been made by the with all its might and main against the vicious

greatest nation on the earth. The United principles of both.

States combine Liberty with Union. Their

liberty is perfect and their union is perfect. The DEMOCRAT would not give British money

Can the Mother Country not attain to what the to an Irish profligate aristocracy, and we would

I daughter has won ? not for a moment concur with a state of things where Britain could tax Ireland, and Ireland

I am fond once a year or so of dropping into have no continual and unequivocal say in the

a music hall. It is the fashion to despise such

places. The Prince of Wales never goes to a matter.

music hall, therefore music halls must be bad. At the same time we wanted more liberty for

There are, as a matter of fact, more objectionIreland. We wished Ireland in every Irish

able things said in a week in a West-End matter to be governed by Ireland. An Irish

theatre than are said in a month in an EastParliament, Irish judges, and Ireland to settle

End music hall. And then an East-End music her own land question in her own way. This

hall has, for good or bad, real political power: was our understanding of Home Rule.

You can judge better, from what there is said

and sung, how men think and how they will But do not touch the integrity of the Empire.

vote, than by all the political meetings that can With the British races lie the future of civili

* * * * sation. One day there will be an Anglo-CelticSaxon Republic governing three continents,

But to my tale. I entered this music hall, and containing a thousand millions of people.

and listened with some interest to the young We have to bring the British races together,

ladies, who sang how their sweethearts had not to sever them.

kissed under the rose, or the cabbage, or the * * * *

oak tree, or any other plant ; sweethearts are The rift becomes the crack, the crack the

not particular in that way. Then I waited for

the political singers, for politics done into music chasm, the chasm means annihilation for both. Let Ireland be free, but free as one of a congre

hall verse have sometimes all and more than all

the influence of Times leaders in telling how gation of great peoples, English, Scotch, and

the wind will blow and the cat will jump. Welsh, lying side by side in the stormy Atlantic.

I found two things. The audience cheered What in these circumstances is the duty of a | anything that promised redress for the wrongs great statesman? It is to say “A free Ireland of Ireland, and it checred everything that meant a free Scotland, a free Wales, but a united maintenance of the Union. Mr. Gladstone is a Empire.” That is just what Mr. Gladstone is man who goes everywhere-he is taken. The not saying. We have come to a point when we | misfortune is that he is always taken about by cannot falter, and will not. Will he or won't the wrong people. They lead him to his worhe assure us of an over-Parliament to deal with shippers and say, “Here is public opinion.” I

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