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[Ireland], the greatest was the English system of owning land."

Swift, with bitter satire, has described the misery in his time, and it is no wonder that secret societies under the names of Whiteboys, Levellers, and Ribbonmen were formed to carry on the struggle for the land from which the people had been dispossessed.

Irish manufacturers fared no better than agriculturists, for the jealousy of the English crushed all rising industry and commercial enterprise. The condition of the country only became worse after the legislative union of 1800, and the effect of this measure was to destroy the few remaining industries, and still more to impoverish the people. The union was a failure, and the best proof of this is the long list of Coercion Acts that followed.

But worse than this coercive legislation was the steady encroachment by the Legislature on the common law rights of Irish tenants. By Act of Parliament new powers were given to landlords; they could seize the growing crop, and were able by immediate ejectment to turn the tenant out of his holding.

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The poverty of Ireland under this system is shown by the testimony of many unprejudiced writers. Gustave de Beaumont, the eminent French publicist, says: I have seen the Indian in his forest and the negro in his chains, and I thought that I beheld the lowest term of human misery, but I did not then know the lot of Ireland." Sir F. Lewis, an English landlord, declared that the landlords sometimes obtained for rent more than the land produced, and even the Duke of Wellington blamed the landlords as the cause of the poverty and distress of the people. In 1847 the failure of the potato still further impoverished the country, and during the terrible years of the famine, when the tale of Irish misery was shocking the civilised world, it must be recorded that her starving people exported as rent to their absentee landlords over half a million of cattle as well as sheep and pigs, and nearly a million qrs. of wheat flour.

Evictions did not cease, and Mr. Healy notices the wonderful consideration shown by Parliament in prohibiting evictions on Christmas Day and Good Friday. The landlords themselves at last began to suffer, and as a measure of relief the Government passed the Encumbered Estates Act. This ill-timed measure did nothing to ameliorate the condition of the tenants. Their rights were entirely ignored. The new owners, by raising rents and renewed evictions, tried in many cases to screw from their tenants the price they had given for their speculative purchases. The sufferings of the people became intolerable, and at last, in 1852, they formed an organisation, called the "Tenant League," to call attention to their wrongs.

The league was broker up, only to be followed by Fenian societies, and more recently by the "Land League." Coercion Act after Coercion Act was passed to put down these organisations, but nothing was done to remove the grievances that were the cause of this agitation, until Mr. Gladstone, at the head of a great Liberal majority, disestablished the Irish Church in 1867, and in the following year passed his first Land Act. This Act of 1870, though the first instalment of justice, was

wholly inadequate. Evictions even increased, and the right to a law-suit was the only compensation given to the penniless tenant. During the ten years that followed thirty-one Land Acts were introduced, but all of them had to be withdrawn, or were dropped or rejected. Meanwhile the state of Ireland was no better; an English officer declared it was worse thar anything he had seen in Cetewayo's dominions, and evidence given before the Dublin Mansion House Relief Committee described the miserable dwellings of the Mayo peasantry, their want of fire, bedding, and all other necessaries, and the piteous sight of little naked children huddling together to keep themselves warm in the corners of the dripping hovels. In 1880 Gladstone was once more at the head of affairs, and the Compensation for Disturbance Bill was introduced. This Bill was rejected by the House of Lords, and the bitter disappointment felt in Ireland showed itself in renewed agitation. The next year Gladstone again attempted to solve the agrarian question, and produced his second great land measure, which received the Royal assent in August, 1881.

Had this Land Act been honestly administered in the spirit in which it was framed, it might have done much towards relieving the distress; but the Land Commissioners were not fairly representative, and the costliness of going to law, and the landlord's right to appeal, have prevented many of the smaller tenants from obtaining the "fair rents" intended by the Act.

But though the landlords have eluded this Act and may still legally be able to rack rent and evict, nature herself will no longer permit them to act thus with impunity. In many cases their oppressed tenants can no longer obtain any surplus produce at all from the improverished land. Sir James Caird, an authority on all agricultural questions, declared this year that "from the land held by the large body of poor farmers in Ireland any economical rent has for the present disappeared," and the Times in commenting on this remark declares that "the rental of 558,000 holdings is practically irrecoverable by anybody, whether landlord, English Government, or Irish Government." Thus it may be seen that a nemesis arising from natural causes will fall upon the landlord-class in Ireland, the necessary consequence of their own greed and extortion in the past.

What Government or statesman dare ask the industrious classes of this country to contribute out of their taxes compensation in any form to these landowners for the loss of that which never rightly belonged to them, and which they themselves by they own acts have wantonly destroyed? The question every year becomes more serious. The Irish, tired of asking in vain for the redress of their grievances from the Imperial Parliament, now demand Home Rule.

"Reason, policy, humanity, and civilisation," Mr. Healy declares," are on their side," and "not without confidence Ireland lodges before the high tribunal of the British people her great appeal," and he asks if the counsels of the statesman who has staked a noble career to promote the peace of both nations is rejected, "who will show England a better way?"

"IRRESPECTIVE OF RELIGIOUS

DENOMINATION."

The Rev. Wm. Walkinshaw, of Belper, has addressed the following letter to the Secretary of the Royal Agricultural Benevolent Institution in response to a circular requesting him to collect funds from his congregation on behalf of the institution named :

Belper, August 20.

Dear Sir, Thanks for the circular from the Royal Agricultural Benevolent Institution.

"Silver and gold have I none" to be distributed in pauperising bona fide farmers, their wives," &c., "irrespective of religious denomination," but I will venture to give you "benevolent advice on matters Royal" and "Agricultural," and if you will act upon it your institution will soon belong to "the days that are no more."

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Does it not strike you as outrageous that in common with "the clergy of all denominations" I am earnestly solicited" to gather money from persons to relieve distress for which they are in no way responsible? Pray apply to the parties who have caused the present appalling paralysis of agriculture. For example, you quote the Prince of Wales saying that “it is important that the R.A.B.I. should be well supported." He costs the nation more every year than your society has raised since its formation 26 years ago. His trip to India came within a few thousand pounds of the same amount. Now if Albert Edward yearns SO much for the welfare of the beggared farmer, why not ask him to forego his horse-racing, or some other costly vice, and devote the money to your institution? By so doing he would double your annual income of £13,756 at a stroke, or why not ask "its patron the Queen" to disgorge part of the enormous sums she has squeezed out of "bona-fide farmers, their wives, widows, and unmarried orphan daughters, irrespective of religious denomination" to maintain herself and a litter of base-born German princelings in gilded idleness? The generous hand of " our most religious and gracious Sovereign Lady" will at once admit the "400 persons," &c., who are wistfully seeking election to your institution, or why not appeal to "its president, the Duke of Richmond"? He has a hereditary pension of £19,000 per annum, derived through his ancestor, a bastard son of Charles II. He and his kith and kin have only received the paltry sum of £1,600,000 from the national resources during the past 30 years. As he has an income of £60,000 apart from the item he receives as the fruit of the festivity of the "Merry Monarch," ask him for the £19,000 "for this occasion only," and believe me, Sir, your pensioners, present and prospective, will grin with joy from ear

to ear.

In

Great Britain. In Scotland it is 3 1-16d. Thus the great bulk of taxation is paid by industry. See how this vicious system works. Mr. Winans, the American millionaire, comes to Scotland and buys extensive estates. He sweeps away farms and cottages to make deer forests. The people have no redress. They are driven into towns, or go where they only aggravate the existing poverty. Now Henry George proposes to lay all the taxation on the land. This would at once solve the riddle. stead of being able to snap their fingers at the public because they are so lighty taxed, landlords would be compelled either (1), to pay their just share of the revenue; (2), to cultivate their land; or (3), to sell it to some one who would. This would immediately increase our food supplies from 50 to 100 per cent., and provide work for thousands who are now living on their wits, and bewailing bitterly the slender resources of their capital. Yours sincerely,

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WM. WALKINSHAW.

EVICTION OF A CROFTER.

The Oban Times says: "One of the most painful cases of eviction that has taken place in recent times has just occurred at Bawn, on the estate of Miss Campbell, of Dunmore, near Tarbert, Lochfyne. Neil Dewar, crofter and weaver, has been the tenant of a croft there for several years past. At Martinmas Dewar was unable to pay his rent on the term day, and the result was that a sheriff officer came from Campbeltown, and sequestrated all his stock. He was warned away about the same time, and in May the officer returned and forcibly ejected him and three young grand children who were residing with him. The reason assigned for the eviction is that Dewar had refused to part from a collie dog owned by him; but it is confifidently believed that the real reason was that some time back he had given information to a newspaper correspondent as to certain evictions on an adjoining estate, and this belief is strengthened by the fact that it was well known to Miss Campbell that Dewar required the dog to keep the cattle of an adjoining farmer from trespassing on his croft. Dewar was compelled along with the three children to pass the night of the eviction in the open air, and next day put up a hut in the corner of a field adjoining his croft. The hut is but four feet in height and six feet square-scarcely affording room for a bed-and the poor man is still living there. Miss Campbell has sent the police several times to remove him, but this, of course, is outside their province, and they contented themselves with advising him to leave. When we visited the place last week we found the poor man

But after all, such institutions as yours, how--who is upwards of seventy years old-and the ever "benevolent," only nibble at the problem of the prevailing agricultural distress. Why not for ever spurn all "quack remedies," and go in for the drastic reform of Henry George? He has been much maligned, but his remedy is most righteous. Perhaps you may not be familiar with it. All our material wealth comes directly or indirectly from the land. The Land Tax is lad, in the pound in

three helpless children sitting to their frugal meal, which was spread on the bare ground; and it might well bring the tears to one's eyes to see a venerable Highland peasant reduced to such extremity. The mansion of the arbitrary lady of the soil is within gunshot of the hut, and we do not envy that lady's feelings of satisfaction at having thus run a fellow creature literall to earth."

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THE TIREE CROFTERS.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE DEMOCRAT. SIR,-I should like to see a bold statement in THE DEMOCRAT as to the legality of sending the military against the crofters in Tiree. I am no lawyer, but I have a strong opinion that it is as much against the law of the land as it is against the spirit of our Constitution. The army supplies are voted every year just to prevent the Government for the time being using the military against the rights of the people. The non-payment of rent is merely a civil question; the police alone should be used. I think Mr. Morrison Davidson might give us his opinion as to the rights of the matter. Could we not induce some Radical Member to bring it forward on the next Army vote? It might be brought into the law courts, and the Home Secretary might be threatened with imprisonment by some vigorous judge for conspiring against the liberties of the people. Judges have successfully threatened high Government officers before now, and might well do so again. I think the point ought to receive attention.-Yours faithfully,

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The following account is given of evictions on the estates of the Marquis of Clanricarde :-The police had to dismount and send the cars back to Woodford. There were 39 cars of police and 11 two-horse drags. A number of Emergency men from Dublin arrived in three traps belonging to Dublin. In consequence of the bridge having broken down the police proceeded by another route, and here again the bridge was broken, and further on a third bridge suffered the same fate. When the bailiffs and Emergency men arrived at the scene of action they found barricades erected opposite the houses. After a long time they succeeded in breaking in the door of a poor old bed-ridden man, but they found a firm wall built inside, and while they were breaking in the door they were met with showers of boiling water, lime water, and other missiles thrown from a hole made in the roof. The bailiffs succeeded in battering down the gable end of the house, and removing the old man outside rolled up in a sheet. The poor dying man's groans made many cry, and the police were deeply moved.

When the evictions are carried out on the Marquis of Clanricarde's property the exterminators will proceed to Ballynayar, the estate of Mrs. Hannah Lewis. Rev. P. Coen, P.P., and Rev. P. Egan, C.C., Woodford, are indefatigable in their exertions to calm the passions of the people, and were it not for their exertions there is no knowing what might occur.

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Two men the tiller of the soil, the toiler for the bread of life-these are in their duty, be out of it who may. These two in all their degrees I honour: all else is chaff and dust, which let the wind blow whither it listeth.-THOMAS CARLYLE.

THE TITHE WAR IN WALES.

A Chester correspondent says:-A remarkable series of scenes has been enacted during the week remote little village at Llanarmon-yn-Yale, a perched among the Denbighshire hills, and about equi-distant from the towns of Mold and Ruthin, North Wales. On the 16th of July the rector's rent audit was held at the village inn, Llanarmon; but little or no money was paid by the farmers. It would appear that after the usual notice had been sent the tithe-payers summoned a meeting, and appointed a deputation, consisting of Messrs. John Jones and Francis Beech, farmer, to wait upon the rector, the Rev. Evan Evans, to demand a reduction of 25 per cent. The interview was of a very stormy character, and the deputation left the vicarage somewhat hurriedly. The result of the conference was reported to a meeting of farmers, and it was resolved not to attend the rent audit, the farmers declaring that if the rector required his tithes he should fetch them as the tax-gatherer fetched the taxes. This phase of the strained

relationship did not long continue, Mr. O. Edwards, solicitor, of Ruthin, being instructed by the rector to distrain for the amount of tithes due to him. A second meeting of farmers was then held, at which it was decided to send a final deputation to the rector, demanding a return of 10 per cent. on all tithes.

Accordingly Messrs. Roberts and John Lanton, farmers, visited the vicarage, and again saw the Re v Evan Evans. They represented that as hill farmers they were mainly engaged in cattle-breeding, and that now prices had fallen so low they were absolutely unable to pay the tithes in full. The rector listened to their application, and then inquired why they sought relief from him. Why not apply to the landlords? The tithes were light enough now, and he could not and would not grant any abatement. If they declined to pay he should distrain, and they must be prepared for the consequences. He firmly refused, he said, to be either bullied or cajoled out of his legal right to the tithes. The deputation again reported to the tithepayers, and on this occasion a majority of the farmers resolved to pay no tithes whatever. The meeting broke up amid some excitement, and a letter hurling defiance at the rector was despatched to the vicarage. August 17 three bailiffs from Chester and two under bailiffs drove from Ruthin to Llanarmon to distrain for the tithes. Their reception was anything but cordial; the farmers armed themselves, and resolutely refused to permit the bailiffs to enter their houses. The bailiffs, however, threw down their writs, and at each farm formally

distrained on certain cattle.

On

At the farms of Mr. Jones and Mr. Francis Beech some cows were seized. Mr. Beech occupies about eighty acres of land, and the amount for which the distraint was levied was £910s. and expenses. At Mr. Jones's farm the amount due on 48 acres of land was between £8 and £9. The usual ive days' grace were allowed in which to pay the money, and on Saturday the time expired; but in the meanwhile the bailiffs had hurriedly shaken the dust of Llanarmon from off their feet. It appears that on Wednesday night a number of men left an anti

tithe meeting at Llanarmon for the neighbouring village of Llandegai, where the bailiffs had proceeded on discovering that there was no roof at Llanarmon that would afford them friendly shelter. The determination of the party was to go armed to the house, seize the bailiffs, and escort them out of the district, on pain that if they ever returned their lives would not be safe. They arrived at Llandegai about nine o'clock at night, and proceeding to the cottage, demanded that the bailiffs should be given up to them. The village street was crowded with angry colliers from the surrounding districts, and when it was announced that the bailiffs had bolted, a yell of disappointment went up. The owner of the cottage was, however, called out, and told to go down on his knees, and express sorrow for his conduct in sheltering the bailiffs, and bind himself by an oath to give them neither food nor shelter should they come back. This the poor fellow did with shuddering mien, for the attitude of the crowd at the escape of the bailiffs was of the most threatening character. The bailiffs, had it appears, got wind of the mischief which was brewing, for even at Llandegai the publican and the village shopkeeper positively refused to serve them with food or refreshment. They drove away in haste to Ruthin, where they are now staying at the Wynnstay Arms Hotel.

The bitter feeling which has been aroused at Llanarmon is illustrated by the fact that tenants called upon to pay sums as small as two shillings in tithes absolutely decline to do so. In all there are twenty-six farmers and occupiers who have refused to pay tithes under any circumstances. Others have agreed to pay if the rector does not also insist on the payment of the legal expenses incurred; a few others again have paid the tithes, and these last have been subjected to nightly serenades of an unpopular character from the angry villagers. In the meantime the rector is absent with his wife at Rhyl, and it is impossible to say if the distraint will be proceeded with. It is gleefully announced that the rector has been unable to obtain the services of a Welsh auctioneer to conduct the sale.

RECEIVED.

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
Kent and Susser Times, Scottish Highlander,
Oban Times, Highland News, Northern Ensign,
Weekly Bulletin, Newcastle Chronicle.

AMERICA.

Day Star (New (York), Weekly Star (San Francisco), Credit Foncier of Sinaloa (Ha.amonte, N.J.), Industrial News (Toledo, Ohio), Workmen's Advocate (New Haven, Conn.), Lake Vincicater (Lake, Ill.), Courier Evansville, Ind., .S.), Workmen (Grand Rapids, Michigan), Vincennes News (Vincennes, Ind.), John Swinton's Paper (New York), Canadian Labour Reformer.

AUSTRALIA.

Kapunda Herald (Kapunda, So. Aus.), Our Commonwealth (Adelaide, So. Aus.).

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What do the poor want? They hardly know yet, but they know well what they don't want. The question with them is not so much, how shall we get better fed and better housed, but whom shall we depend upon for our food and for our house? Why should we depend upon the will and fancy of any man for our rights? They are asking ugly questions among themselves about what those two words, rent and taxes, mean, and about what that same strange word, freedom, means. Right or wrong, they've got the thought into their heads, and it's growing there, and they will find an answer for it.-C. KINGSLEY.

MR. GEORGE MOORE, the novelist, writing in the Paris Figaro, says: "I am an Irish landlord, and I have acted as my class does, I still act thus, and I shall continue so to act. It is as impossible for me as for others to do differently. But that does not prevent me from recognising the fact that it is a system out of date, which can no longer be maintained in the nineteenth century. In Ireland every anti-fowl eaten, every glass of champagne drunk, every silk dress displayed in the street, every rose worn at a ball, come directly from the peasant's cabin. Only a few years ago this tribute (for rent in Ireland is a tribute and nothing else) was looked upon without astonishment, just as in other agesthe world accepted slavery and the feudal system... Suddenly the veil was torn away, and the boilsthal cover the flesh of Ireland exposed."

A Welsh correspondent writes that the tithe movement in North Wales is now assuming important dimensions. At Llandyrnog the tithepayers have taken up a determined attitude and resolved to have their goods seized and sold if the rector will not return 25 per cent. At Mold the farmers of the Broncocd township have petitioned the vicar for an abatement of 15 per cent. The vicar has, in an interview with some of the petitioners, stated his inabiaty to comply with their request, as the chief owner of the tithes is a gentleman at a distance, who receives £1,200 a year, of which he returns 42 as a subscription to the national schools.

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The Tiree expedition (says a Scottish paper) is rapidly degenerating into a broad farce. A week or two ago the marines, literally arm. d to the teeth, marched across the island as if it were an enelly's country, while yesterday they were engaged in a friendly trial of strength with the crofters. The fun of the thing is that they were worsted, as the stalwart islanders beat picked crews of bluejackets and marines at a tug of war. Like Alexander, the

The foolish and the dead alone n er change crofters thirsted for more glory, and they shouted their opinions.-J. R. LOWELL.

out, Give us a chance with Le bobb.es." The constable, however, declined the combat, considerWrong is twice wrong against those who have ing, no doubt, cetin e better part of never wronged us -SHAKESPEAR!

vale".

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.

M. RYAN, A. BRODIE, A. WHETTALL, J. MURDOCH, J. BLACKER, H. W. LEY.-Received with thanks.

F. G. JEMMETT.-The papers came safely to hand.

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LAND SPECULATION.

The cat is let out of the bag. The shareholders of the City of Adelaide Land and Investment Company held a meeting, under the presidency of the Hon. Sir Henry Ayers, and adopted the following resolution : "That this meeting is of opinion that liquidation of the City of Adelaide Land and Investment Company, Limited, is to be avoided at the present time in the interests of all concerned, as it would result in the depreciation and sacrifice of the company's property and the shrinkage of the uncalled capital. The meeting would therefore suggest that all creditors of the company hold over their claims for their principal moneys for twelve months, but calls should be made to the extent authorised by the articles of association, and in the meantime all such creditors shall be paid interest in full." Liquidation, say the shareholders, is to be avoided present time because they cannot realise profits. It must be remembered that those lands will never yield "profits," unless they are cultivated; and that the Company have no intention whatever to cultivate them. Where are the profits to come from? Why, they propose to wait until the tide has turned and people come to the colony. With an influx of population more land will be required, and then the-the-the-" Company" will put on the screw and extort as much of the future

at

the

producer as they possibly can, and divide the "profits."

But for the law which sanctions this mode of profit making, would we not call such base means of getting wealth at the cost of others by the worst names contained in the English vocabulary? And how can we expect to have this vicious law altered as long as we send the very men to Parliament who are getting their living and their titles by gloating on the earnings of others? You may as well commission a lot of vultures to pass laws for the better protection of the weaker animals on whose flesh they live.

Reader, you may call this strong language, but it is not nearly expressive enough of the villainy that is perpetrated under the shadow of this law. All the crimes and misery are traceable to it. Would the owners of land use it, cultivate it, we would still oppose to the fee simple being granted to them; but what when we see a batch of men gambling amongst themselves for that which does not belong to them, is not even yet created; fact are trifling with the happiness of future generations--for this is the source gamblers in land get their "profits" from. It is by confiscating in advance the labour of the future, by sucking the life blood of the producer, depriving him of the comforts, and too often of the bare necessaries

in

of life; drive him to despair, theft, murde suicide, and his daughters to

Were this not legalised, should we not look upon such a mode of getting a living with as much loathing and contempt as we regard burglary or bushranging? Or would the members of such a gang not be put into the stockade rather than into Parliament? We are not a bit too rash in our denunciations. It is not a mere question of adopting our or anybody elses principles. We are aware that a reform cannot be effected in a day; that we cannot convince the whole world at once

that this or that theory is the best. The question is, shall one man be allowed by law to take that

which another has created?

That the man who holds land for speculative purposes only does so to appropriate the labour of others is no more a theory; it is a fact known to everybody, and best known to those who get their income in this way, and now oppose every proposed reform which aims at the destruction of this most shameful robbery. They know it; the resolution quoted above shows that they know it; ignorance can no longer be pleaded. Rank, conscious dishonesty is the only explanation.

reform for them.

to

There are a few men in Parliament who, to our personal knowledge, are well alive to this fact, and, we think, would like to see a reform in that direction. But they wait for others to effect the Too They are cowards! cowardly to utter their convictions; too cowardly put their opinions against that of their colleagues; too cowardly to call out, stop thief! when they stand by and see the last morsel taken out of the cupboard of a despairing mother, leaving her and her children to die a death by slow starvation. These cowards are the worst of the lot. degraded selfish nature; others might be excused The dishonest may be excused on account of their on the grounds of ignorance-no doubt there is a good proportion of this class in both houses;-but for him who says he sees and knows the evil and Is it want of yet is silent, there is no defence. energy? Then why not be honest to your country and your constituents, and say that you are too weak? Why not return to your home, the only safe retreat of a weakling and a coward, and advise your constituents to send a better man?Our Commonwealth (Adelaide, S. Aus.)

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