Section B.-In this section is illustrated the difference between the lives of those who make the money and those who spend it. The feature of this section was two companion pictures by our great democratic artist-"The Family of the Inventor" and "The Family of the Man who profited by the Invention." Another title to the first might be cleanly starvation, which is more terrible by far than squalid starvation. In an attic without furniture and without fire, but with walls and floor as clean as newly-fallen snow, a woman and children, with checks shrunken from poverty, are clustered round the bed of a dying man. In the other, a bluff and bloated person is presiding at the wedding breakfast of his redhaired daughter with a squint, who has just married the heir to a dukedom. The duke is proposing the health of the bride's father, and telling how much the country owes to the honesty and industry of such men. "The Family of the Millworker" and "The Family of the Millowner" are also admirable pictures by the same talented artist. They exhibit under fresh aspects the old conditions of dire distress and wanton plenty.

Section C.-Here we have various illustrations of "The Home of a Toilor in the Nineteenth Century." Care has been taken to select only the homes of those who are temperate and virtuous. The result is very grim and dreadful. It was universally admitted that in comparison to the houses where dwelt the honest children of toil, the cells of an ordinary jail were infinitely superior. This part of the exhibition is generally known as "The Conversion Section." Thousands of the ignorant and thoughtless of our upper and middle classes after thus truthfully seeing how and where our workers lived went away Democrats. It is said that the sight of a peasant's cabin in Ireland and Scotland will convert anyone who is not thoroughly bad at heart or connected with the landowning interest.

Section D.-This is the most interesting of all. It shows what may be and will be. Here we have a street of workmen's houses, sweet and clean, healthy and beautiful. There we have peasant homes standing in their trim gardens. Everywhere we have plenty and happiness for those who will work. Above the entrance to this compartment is written in

golden letters,

'ABANDON IDLENESS ALL YE WHO ENTER HERE."

cratic exhibition might be. The sketch is very slight, but there is not one of our readers who could not fill in a hundred, aye, a thousand, omitted details. Is such an exhibition possible? It would awaken tens of millions to thought, and it would make millions of converts. In its courts, men of all nations would meet together and swear an eternal league of amity and peace. From the date of its opening, the vast and final triumph of Democracy would begin. A great protest would have been made for the industrial revolution.

A SCOTTISH PRESSMAN.

0:

TO OUR FRIENDS.

The readers of THE DEMOCRAT will be pleased to learn that the success of the publication has been secured and assured by the energy and kindness of our numerous supporters who have established, in various parts. of the kingdom, agencies for the sale of THE DEMOCRAT. It has thus been introduced to readers by whom the contents and objects of the publication are appreciated.

THE DEMOCRAT is now known in all quarters of the globe, to the leading friends of Radical reform, and has become the centre of Radical thought and action in cities, towns, and villages.

The success of THE DEMOCRAT is at once

the cause and effect of that vast extension of sound, practical, political opinion, which is rapidly assuming proportions hitherto un

known.

the sympathy and assistance which are called We are continually cheered in this work by forth by the pages of THE DEMOCRAT.

LIGHT

AND SHADE. Here are some lines from a rare book called "The Picture of a Scottish Baron Court in 1618," by Patrick Anderson, Physician to Charles the First. Officers.-Mr. Baillie, all the tenants are convened. Baillie.-Clerk, fence the court. Tenants. The great God be our friend,

For any thing that we can see or say,

No mercy is for none of us this day. Alack and alas! That was heard then in only one parish now it might be truthfully spoken in every parish. Oh! we have advanced in civilisation!

"I said it was not the custom in England to confer titles on men distinguished by peaceful services, however good and great, except occasionally when they consisted in the accumulation of some very large amount of money."

"Why, good gracious," said Miss Flyte, "how can you say that? Surely you know, my dear, that all the greatest ornaments of England in knowledge, imagination, active humanity, and improvement of every sort are added to its nobility. Look round you, my dear, and consider. You must be rambling a little now, if you do not know that this is the great reason why titles will always last in the land." I am afraid that she believed what she said; but there were moments when she was very mad indeed.

Charles Dickens in "Bleak House."

IN the Contemporary Review for February, Mr. Walter Besant utters a noble and timely protest against the policy of those who would treat working men as children. We have given almost all political power into the hands of the working classes, and yet our political busy bodies are always

Kings are like stars; they rise and set, they have
The worship of the world, but no repose.
We gaze on danger through the mist of fear.
Oh, slavery, thou frost of the world's prime !

Greece and her foundations are
Built below the tide of war,
Based on the chrystaline sea

Of thought and its eternity.

Thought

Alone, and its quick elements, will, passion, Reason, imagination, cannot die.

Ir is astonishing how people manage not to see what they don't want to see. In 1831, Dr. Southey, who had abandoned the Liberalism of his youth for the most bigoted Toryism, travelled 400 miles about Britain, and did not find a single person in favour of the great Reform Bill,

own affairs. Thus working-men's clubs are perpetually insulted by criticism and advice from idle people who, knowing nothing else, imagine that they know the mind of Providence. Why do not these people criticise and rebuke the clubs of the West End? The laws, both of God and men, are oftener by far broken there than they are broken in the genuine clubs of the working men. Indeed, the Plebeian clubs are in every way superior to the clubs of the aristocracy. The former exist to improve time, the latter to kill time. To an intellectual man, many, if not most, of the aristocratic clubs are howling deserts of inanity and philistinism.

IN the House of Commons attention was called by question to the extraordinary enterprise of a Poplar publican in offering prizes to the children who came oftenest to his house with jugs and bottles in the course of six months. The AttorneyGeneral declined to advise Mr. Conybeare whether this was a breach of the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Act passed last year, but the Home Secretary informed Mr. Buxton that the police would oppose the renewal of this person's license. It is satisfactory to find that even the Home Secretary goes in for a Plan of Campaign, in which he acts without the sanction of the law officers of the Crown.

THE PLAN OF CAMPAIGN.

When St. Patrick expelled the vipers from Ireland, he did not include the landlords in his wide, wild sweep. St. Patrick limited his plan of campaign. The reason is that he wanted to leave something to do for those who followed him. That the Irishmen are doing now. They have taken the most effectual way that could be taken of limiting the power of the landlords. Providence helps those that help themselves. The Irishmen have begun to help themselves, and Providence is helping them. The Plan of Campaign has been a wonderful and conspicuous success. Up till now all power has been in the hands of the landlords; from now all power will be in the hands of the tenants. That is exactly as it should be. Hitherto the landlords of Ireland have oppressed their tenantry as never tenantry was oppressed before. But the tenants do not wish to oppress the landlords. They only want justice. Nothing is more marvellous than the moderation with which the campaigners proceed. A meeting is held, and it is considered what a fair rent is; that they resolve to pay, and to pay no | more; the rent is collected among them; each man pays down, not what he thinks fair, but what is thought fair by the others. What is really done is giving the people power to say, "This is worth so much and no more, therefore we will give you no more." Even those landlords who have spoken on the subject, and those papers that have spoken for the landlords, have not asserted that the rents which the tenants offer to pay under the Plan of Campaign are unjust rents. It is generally admitted that the plan offers justice, but gives an opportunity for injustice. Nothing could be more fallacious. The plan not only protects the tenants, it protects the landlords, and is automatically self-adjusting. It, of course, depends upon public feeling. Without a deep conviction that rental in an estate is exorbitant and unjust, the plan cannot be put into force. When only fair rents are asked no sufficient organisation could possibly be raised to resist the collection of them. A good Irish landlord-if such a man exists—has nothing to fear from the plan, a bad landlord has everything to fear. And that is why we hear so much, so loudly said, about the injustice of it. Whenever any attempt is made in this country to do justice, we are at once assured that it is unjust. A large proportion of the press, the pulpit, and the platform of this country live by swearing that white is black, and that any attempt to make black white is contrary to the laws of God and man. The Plan of Campaign is simply an effort to set what is crooked straight, to make the weak strong. It found a state of things in which all power was on one side, and all suffering on the other. It gave those who suffered the means of standing against those who have the

power.

in strength and intensity. The coming week is looked upon with anxious expectation, as it is felt the landlords will adopt decisive action on the matter. Up to the present they have not pressed their action in regard to the writs, except that during the week they have obtained final judgment against four of the tenants, traders in the town, out of the entire number served. With a policy for which the estate office is remarkable they have circulated rumours, with the apparent object of putting the tenants off their guard, that they will not continue the legal proceedings in relation to the writs further for some time. It is unnecessary to add that the tenants have not been influenced by them to cease their operations for the defence. As yet no notice required by the statutory regulations has been served on the district relieving officers regarding the tenants who are 'hoping' for the evicting party's visit. Each tenant has been preparing for some few days towards offering a determined resistance. A drive through the property shows that a thorough union exists amongst the tonants. The estate has been cleared of every article, and over some thousands of acres not an animal is to be seen, having been sold to forestall the landlord. As yet very little tillage operations have been commenced. A feeling of uncertainty existed as to whether or not the tenants should carry on any agricultural work. The organisers of the tenants have determined that, whatever may be the eventuality, the lands will be tilled. Notices were issued last evening to the branches of the League in all the neighbouring localities, as well as several districts in Tipperary and Limerick, which volunteered their aid, stating the tenants had stripped their lands of every conceivable thing, including their horses, and have not the means of tilling their farms. Firm in the justice of their demand and their final triumph they are determined that the lands shall be cropped, and that the tenants shall reap the harvest with the approval of the Campaign leaders, no matter what the result shall be. They requested their aid with as many horses and men as they can furnish to plough the lands. Replies have been already received from several branches stating that they shall supply the means of tilling the lands, and it is a fact worthy of notice that some of the Tipperary men have communicated with the tenants' leaders that they may count on their assistance."

In a country where such things are done landlordism is on its last legs.

0:

On every occasion on which the Plan of Campaign

has been in force it has been carried out with a

"The struggle on the Kingston estate thickens

WHAT OUR LETTERS SAY.

We are in receipt of letters from all parts of the country, written by those who help us in the circulation of THE DEMOCRAT. We would, if we could, publish them all, and in full. We can only take a letter here and there, and from these we can only give a very few extracts, within our limits of

space.

Mr. R. McA. writes to us from Hackney, saying that in one morning he sold half of a large consignment of THE DEMOCRAT. We thank R. MCA. A gentleman, writing in Fort William, says that the working men are beginning to assert themselves, and are buying THE DEMOCRAT.

Another gentleman, writing from what he calls a lonely country place, says: "I will do my very best to assist you in your kind endeavour to instruct the ignorant and foolish people who are so long standing in their own light."

A friend, writing in the most kind and flattering terms, says: "What the people want is more knowledge.' True.

From a subscriber in San Francisco we receive a very friendly letter. We are very grateful to our many friends abroad.

We are very much obliged to the friend who sends us a kind letter from Grandtully.

A working man tells us that he "is proud of the privilege of reading THE DEMOCRAT."

A friend in Bournemouth thinks that THE DEMOCRAT is "a great boon to the working classes."

One of the many friends who by selling THE DEMOCRAT makes a profit from it writes from Deptford, telling us that our paper is making a great impression upon working men.

From Runcorn a Democrat writes to tell us that the paper is selling among "sound Radicals." J.P. J., who in Penrhyn, Cornwall, sells 25 of our paper, expresses kindly hopes.

A friend in New Whittington says that he will "begin to canvass for us at once.'

A secretary writes: "The profits from the sale of THE DEMOCRAT meet nearly the whole of our expenses in conducting our small club."

From Bedford we receive the following most interesting letter:-"I know not how it is I did not know that such a paper as THE DEMOCRAT existed. Perhaps it may interest you to learn how I did get to know that such a journal does exist for the advocacy of the Democratic cause as that splendid advocate published by you. The facts are these: A week or two ago I saw an advertisement in a paper I took up asking for agents. I purposed copying the address, but let the occasion slip, so after once being caught napping, I looked carefully for the next appearance of the advertisement, and was rewarded by the lad from the bookstall at the station coming on my engine, on the Saturday before I wrote you, with a copy. I availed myself of the opportunity thus presented, took the address, and resolved to push the sale of so valuable a working man's paper. Time will tell whether or not it was a wise resolve on my part. It seems to me it will prove such, for living in these Democratic times, the more such a paper becomes known the greater will be the

demand for it, for the people are beginning to look more after their interests now, and will of a necessity support that paper which gives to them a plain unvarnished tale such as may be found in the pages of THE DEMOCRAT. I hope, Sir, I may not have wearied you with this long letter; if so, I hope you will excuse me, as I desire you to know how at least one humble worker in a common cause became acquainted with THE DEMOCRAT, intent on pushing its circulation, for I firmly believe that Dire oppression, Heaven decrees it, From our land shall soon be hurled.

May we

Mark the coming time and seize it,
Every banner be unfurled."

Please send me two dozen copies of THE DEMOCRAT for this month, many more asking for them. Again craving your indulgence."

A friend in Aldershot writes:-"In reply to your note of the 13th inst., I have much pleasure in stating that I shall do my utmost to advance the circulation of THE DEMOCRAT, a periodical which every honest person ought to support. The matter is excellent, and it is capitally edited, and printed on good paper. It should find its way to every working man in these lands. I have not had time yet to see any of the shopkeepers (newsagents), but I shall ere the end of the week. Should I not succeed with any of them, I shall take it in hand myself, and shall give it the benefit of two or three advertisements in a local paper. If you have any posters I could place in my windows, and those of others, please send them to me. I shall write you again in a day or two."

I

In Penrhyn THE DEMOCRAT has begun to take a hold, as may be seen by this letter:-"The parcel containing THE DEMOCRATS I disposed of. took them with me to our Parliamentary Debating Society the other evening, and succeeded in securing eight names. I will endeavour to do my utmost to circulate THE DEMOCRAT, and every or anything that may arouse my fellow countrymen to the consideration of their just rights as members of the great Democracy."

A newsagent in Trim writes:-"I am in receipt of specimen copy of THE DEMOCRAT with your official circular, for which I beg to return you my best thanks. Being myself in politics a Democrat, I would be most happy to assist in pushing the sale of your most able and useful popular periodical in this district. I am myself a newsagent, and generally supplied by the eminent firm of Charles Cason and Son, successors of W. H. Smith and Son, of Dublin. My efforts in the beginning will, I apprehend, be not of much value, for the reason that "English Democracy" and "Irish Home Rule" don't seem at present to harmonise. This is a formidable obstacle in my path; but I have reason to hope that the principles of Gladstone and Parnell will be better understood and more appreciated by the English workman by and by."

From Alexandria a friend writes:-"I am in receipt of your letter of 22nd January and parcel containing six copies of above, also a second consignment of eight copies, for which I enclose the necessary stamps. I believe I shall be able to get a consider

able number of subscribers by and by, when I have a little more time at my disposal. I have already obtained a few annual subscribers, and will furnish you with their names and addresses in a few days hence. Since I may state that I am well pleased with the views expressed in those to hand, and trust that the same vigour will be continued throughout in your advocacy of the rights of the toiling masses, and I have no fear of the result as far as support is concerned."

Another friend in Bedford says:-"We have a meeting of Liberal electors in my Ward on Wednesday night, the 9th inst. Will you please send me to distribute at that meeting some circulars, as by this distribution it may influence the sale of THE DEMOCRAT. I was surprised with what readiness the numbers were taken up which I had for this month."

A friend writes:-"I took a parcel of DEMOCRATS to the meeting at Shoreditch, and sold 42 copies. Professor Stuart was one of the purchasers."

A man with much experience in the work writes: --"At public meetings it is better to have two persons offering the paper at some little distance from each other; the first should be a man, the second a woman."

These are a few examples from many. Our agents usually sell from 25 to 150 copies each per month. Let every reader of the journal, where no agents are, make himself an agent. It will be profitable to himself and it will advance the cause of Democracy.

CORRESPONDENCE.

RESUMPTION.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE DEMOCRAT.

SIR, Permit me to make known a few "staggering facts," as Mr. Wheelwright calls them. Most readers are not trained to search the original records, but, fortunately, after King Charles II. had betrayed the people to the landlords, the consequent exactions to provide "ways and means induced a political writer, Dr. Chas. Davenant, M.P., to treat of resumption.

He was born in 1656, the eldest son of Sir Wm. Davenant, who was proud of being thought to be the illegitimate son of Shakespeare. If such was the fact the intellect inherited from the immortal bard was exercised in behalf of popular rights. Dr. Davenant's works were collected and published in five volumes in 1771 A.D. The following are extracts abbreviated from the third volume, and it is easier to get at this book than to get at the originals from which it is taken, and which few of your readers could decipher :

William Rufus was obliged to resume his own grants to meet the necessities of the State. King Henry II. resumed the lands which King Stephen had given to his followers.

Richard I., to provide funds for his Crusades, sold his lands. "Rex exposuit venditioni omnia quæ habuit, scil: Castella, villas et predia " (Hoveden), but afterwards resumed them, "alleging that it was not in his power to alien anything appertaining to the same whereby his State was to subsist." He told the non-compensated that they ought to be content with what they had extracted in his absence. (Grafton, Chron., p. 90.) The Commons demanded of Richard II. that all kinds of gifts made by his grandfather, Edward III., be examined. "If worthily bestowed, to be confirmed; if otherwise, to be revoked." (Davenant, vol. iii., p. 80.) 1 Henry IV. - The Commons demanded the same with regard to the grants of Edward III. and Richard II.

our

"For the ease of those who do not care to read much and to help the memory of others " author recapitulates the several resumptions treated of :

1, resumptions were made by William Rufus; 2, by Henry I.; 3, by King Stephen; 4, by Henry II., 5, by Richard I.; 6, by Edward II.; 7, by Richard II.; 8, by Henry IV.; 9, by Henry VI.; 10, by Edward IV.; 11, by Henry VII.; 12, by Henry VIII., of divers' offices, annuities, and other things. (Ibid., p. 161.) The two resumptions by Henry V. and Henry VIII. of Church lands mentioned by Mr. Wheelwright are overlooked, though they are of singular value, because, admittedly, these lands were of the same nature as the lands of any private landholder.

I now offer a selection from the author's numbered observations on the different resumptions:

1. That the people of England have in no age thought it reasonable that the Crown Revenue should be alienated.