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Robert laughed, and Katie got up to give the very prettiest and primest little curtesy.

"We 1," said Robert, "I had a long interview to day with our old friend, Norman Firebrace."

"The hateful person," said Katie.

"And he made me a very handsome offer." "About the invention?"

"Yes, Katie, about the invention."

"And you would have nothing to do with him?” "Well, not much; but I think that we ought to tell Mr. Robertson something about the invention." 66 Oh, I have heard of it."

"You have?"

"Yes; but since you did not speak about it to me, I thought it best to say nothing to you.'

"I hope, Robertson, that you are not offended at my not having taken you into my confidence."

Not in the least. I know that you hate to speak of it."

"Ay, that I do, even to Katie here That invention, Robertson, is the temptation and the terror of my life."

"I do not quite understand you."

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Well, look here, the matter is this. You know that ever since steam was applied to machinery men have been looking out for something less expensive and more easily managed than steam-a cheaper and better motive power.'

"I know that men are never content."

"Well, I thought and thought on the subject. Here is gunpowder, I said to myself, good for nothing but to destroy. Can't I use the tremendous power in gunpowder to turn machinery? I did try and nearly killed myself."

Yes," said Katie, quietly, and he nearly killed me with fright at seeing his face all scorched and blackened after the explosion."

"Katie doesn't appreciate science. Well, then I tried gases of all sorts-"

"And smells," put in Miss Kate.

"But these did not do what I wanted. I kept on experimenting for years. At last I thought it was only wasting time. I gave the thing up. But bless you, I cou'dn't keep away from the subject any more than Katie here can keep some sewing away from her hands. For a whole fortnight I gave it up"And took me out to concerts," said Kate.

"At the fortnight's end I came back to it just like a smoker to his tobacco."

"And then you found it?"

"I hadn't sat down in front of my chemicals for half a minute when the whole thing came rushing into my head."

"Which was

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"Ah, I can't tell you that. I have not even told it to Katie."

"Of course I only want to know the effects of your discovery."

Well, the discovery is so very simple that I can hardly understand how it has not been made before. I find that by the simple treatment of very inexpen. tive materials I can make a gas of the most wonderful powers of expansion and most easily managed. For its management I have invented an engine. See, here it is.

As Makinnon spoke he grew more and more excited. His eyes flashed and his cheek reddened with the discoverer's pride in his discovery. And when opening a press he took out a large square box and set it down on the table, Mr. Robertson felt the contagion of his enthusiasm and leaned eagerly forward. Katie looked up with a loving and admiring look at her enthusiastic brother. Makinnon opened the box and

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66

"Yes, that is my machine-that is my secret-that is what Norman Firebrace wants to get from me." 'But why should you keep it a secret? An invention like that should be used for your profit and the benefit of the whole world"

"It would save eighty per cent. in expenses." "So much the better."

"Do you understand what that means?"

"It means so much more advantage to humanity." "Ah, that is what I cannot see. Ultimately all improvements are for the best."

"Of course."

"But in the meantime think what happens. Engines would rot need coal."

"And therefore colliers would be thrown out of employment. I see."

"Then as the machine is almost automatic there would only be need for half the present number of engineers, and there would be no need at all for firemen.'

"I can foresee dreadful misery and suffering for those whom your invention would drive out of employment. But might not that be said of every invention?"

"It might be said, and it has been said." And because inventions throw men out of employment, should inventors be henceforth considered public criminals?"

Robertson, I wish to judge no man except myself. Invention is good, but it has been the cause in this land, which it has enriched as never country was enriched before, of untold misery and hardship. Think of the hand-weavers, of the ship carpenters, of hundreds and thousands of others. Is it not dreadful that this good should be their evil? The victims of invention are more numerous in modern Europe than the victims of war. In a proper state of society it would not be so. The Government would provide for those whose trade is taken from them by no fault of their own."

"And since Government does not do this--"

"I, for one, cannot take upon my conscience the burden of giving this invention to the world. I feel as if God would require at my hands on the Day of Judgment the blood of those who would suffer from my idea."

"That is to make yourself responsible for the injustice of society."

And are we not responsible each and all of us? What do you say, little sister?"

"I think, Robin, that you had better be a happy man than a rich man, and that if you gave this thing to the world against your conscience you would never be happy again."

"And I think," said Mr. Robertson, slowly and blushing, "as you think."

(To be con'iru d)

"THEY HAVE RIGHTS WHO DARE MAINTAIN THEM."

VOL. IV.-No. 100.

The Dauntsey Charity.

MARCH, 1887.

The Tory Government have had the audacity to lay on the table of the House of Commons the scheme of the Charity Commissioners for depriving the poor of the benefit of the Dauntsey Charity, and handing the property over to the Mercers' Company to be spent in three-guinea dinners. So great is the indig nation excited by this scheme that in all probability the House of Commons will regret it. On Tuesday, March 1, a motion to this effect will be made, and as this motion cannot be blocked, it will be certain to come on, and thus all Members of Parliament will be enabled to take a part in the division. It is desirable that electors should consult the division list on this occasion. If the scheme is allowed the inhabitants of the locality, who are chiefly agricultural labourers at 10s. per week, will be deprived of a free school which they have enjoyed for 340 years, and the price of turtle will be considerably enhanced, as some thousands per annum will thus be placed beyond the control of Parliament and permanently devoted to useless purposes. Can we won der at starvation and poverty in the midst of wealth when the "Charity " Commissioners devote their energies to robbing the poor for the benefit of the rich? Those who desire further information on this matter should see a pamphlet on the Dauntsey Charity by Mr. Saunders, which can be had for 1s. from THE DEMOCRAT Publishing Office.

Payment for Parks.

One of the most sensible actions of the last Parliament was a resolution calling upon the Government to refrain in future from taxing

PRICE TWOPence.

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Mr. Charles W. T. Craufurd writes to the papers to correct the Financial Reform Almanac, which he accuses of exaggeration. He admits, however, that a dozen men in the Navy, "mostly his own friends and relations," receive £39,010 8s., and he adds that "my father's and my own receipts, as well as those of my four brothers-in-law, were all grossly exaggerated, speaking roundly, doubled." If this lucky family with the "four brothers-inlaw" get half what the Financial Almanac put them down for, it shows how much better off the country would be if they emigrated. The independent statement of the compilers of the Financial Reform Almanac is more likely to be correct than that of any interested party with "four brothers-in-law" all well provided for.

The Wisdom of Our Rulers.

Mr. Wallace said in the House (Times, 15th Feb.), that there was "a fundamental distinction between the title to land and the title to other kinds of property; while the latter was founded on industry, the title of private per

sons to land was founded on something that was not industry." (Laughter from the wiseacres). Sir A. Campbell replied that "If the title to land was not founded on industry, what

was the title of the man who had earned his money by industry and invested it in the purchase of land?" Money, the creation of industry, can purchase stolen goods; how can that alter the title? and why do lawyers charge their clients heavily for investigating the title to land? The landless masses are be

ginning to study the matter for themselves, and ask what benefit they derive from the estate "which the Lord their God gave them" and

the classes have taken from them.

Welcome!

Welcome brave spirit! Michael Davitt, in the name of the British Democracy, we bid you welcome! Your name is as sweet to the heart of the people as the sound of holy bells. Even your enemies are compelled to respect you, and to say unwillingly, "Here is an honest man." Hardly less than "Chinese " Gordon, you have appealed to the conscience and the imagination of the age. In the far-off days, when impartial history records her final verdict, your name will glitter on the historian's page, while all the show of court and camp shall be as a forgotten dream. By your sublime moderation, by your high-souled forgiveness of those that persecuted you, by your generous nobility of character you are fitted to complete the reconciliation of those Democracies of Ireland and Great Britain that have alike common interests and common enemies. Michael Davitt, your life has been dark and troubled. Your patriotism has cost you life-long suffering. We rejoice that at last joy and hope have dawned upon you. A lovely and a loving woman has been given to you by God, that by her sweet ministry she may comfort your heart in the battle which is but as yet half fought. We welcome the gentle bride of Michael Davitt as a true queen in our land. To her is a queen, ship and a homage such as crowns and sceptres are powerless to confer. Welcome, therefore, noble patriot, thrice welcome gentle bride!

Cost of the National Debt.

Since our National Debt was established it

has cost this country, in simple interest alone, about £2,800,000,000. Few of us can realise what this sum actually means. Let us suppose that a labouring man, made, during a working life of forty years' duration, an average income of £50, which is just about a third more than, as a rule, he would make. What we have paid in simple interest for our National Debt will have consumed the whole life's earnings of 1,400,000 well-paid labourers, the substance and sustenance of seven millions of human beings. That debt falls mainly upon the working classes, and represents entirely the reckless extravagance of the aristocratic classes. War was their delight. War gave them unparalleled chances of robbing their country at every pocket. War raised the price of wheat, and produced rents from the land that were wrung from a starving people. Had Britain continued a Republic upon the pure model that the traitor Cromwell overthrew, Britain would not to-day have had a penny of National Debt, and would not probably have paid a single tax that did not come from the land. It is to our British aristocracy that we owe the deplorable. condition of our British finance.

Peers and Pay.

There are, according to that invaluable work, The Reform Almanac, 7,991 peers or relations of peers who are in the public service and take public pay. Among these we do not refuse to confess that there is some real ability. We will be generous and admit that perhaps the 991 give some value in return for the wages they receive. But what of the 7,000? Does any one pretend that they are of the remotest use to the country? Will any one affirm that they could have gained their present positions had they been born in a humbler rank. Would that gentleman, whom the Irish very aptly call "the Queen's impecunious cousin," ever, by means of his own talents, have gained even the humble position of a corporal? These 7,000 usurp the positions that belong to real merit.

They are a drag put upon the coach when the home that animates a Scottish or Irish peasant coach is struggling up hill.

British Methods.

So contemptible are the British methods of governing Ireland, that hardly any comment upon them is required. But from time to time comments are given that make true-hearted

Britons hot with shame for a Government which so misrepresents every principle of British justice. Thus the packing of Irish juries with Irish Protestants is a thing calculated to bring contempt upon our pure Protestant religion. It means that the Government relies upon Protestants for the purposes of perjury. They are expected to transgress the spirit of their oath, and to judge, not according to their consciences, but according to political considerations. This view has been taken by the Protestant gentlemen of Sligo. In a noble and eloquent letter they have protested against the exclusion from the juries of their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen. It is an insult to the Roman Catholics, and it is an equal insult to the Protestants. There is no shame in the brazen officials of Dublin Castle, but there is shame in their masters, the British public, that the writing of such a letter could be necessary in our so-called land of freedom and justice.

rent.

A Duke's Ideas.

It is unfortunate for the Duke of Argyll that he believes in his own abilities. He is always writing letters to the papers which are read by the public with great amusement. He has recently attacked the Ricardian theory of The Ricardian theory is that rent is the amount which a man will give for good ground when he can get inferior land for nothing. This theory cuts through the wicked profits of Highland and Irish landlords as a scythe cuts through grass or corn. So Argyll has resolved to mend it. "Rent," he says, "is the price of hire." What he means is that land has some real and some fictitious values, and that the landlord should get for these all that he can. Thus, the almost holy love of

gives a value to the land immeasurably above its real value as poor bog or poorer rock. By Argyll's theory it is perfectly just that servant girls should toil in America in order that their parents may buy this "value" from the landlord at an exorbitant "price of hire." Calvary stood on one of the duke's estates, he

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would tax the veneration of the whole world. The duke is a century too late with his theory. Civilisation is at length invading that last citadel of barbarism, the land laws.

Shame!

The word "shame is no longer to be allowed in the House of Commons. The Speaker is evidently sensitive. When a Government of honour was conducted by honourable men, members might call out "shame" until they tired. But so low has fallen Parliament, so degraded is government, that shame is the one English word which expresses the general stata. Therefore "shame" is forbidden.

The Value of Land.

Recent arrivals of meat from Australia and New Zealand have sold at prices ranging from 23d. to 44d. per pound. The retail price will doubtless soon be more in unison with the wholesale prices than they are at present. English meat must therefore be lower, and with the fall in prices of produce rent and the value of land must come down. Australian statistics show that, during the last 13 years, the pastoral interests have so prospered that the number of cattle has increased from 5,500,000 to 8,068,000, and the land under cultivation has increased from 3,300,000 to 8,028,000. Under these circumstances no sane man would think of buying Irish land, or any other agricultural land, at 20 years' purchase on the present rental. The proposal to do so is one of the greatest frauds ever put before the British people. But for the application of public funds to the purchase of land, Irish landowners would have been glad to sell their land at seven or eight years' purchase, which represents its ull commercial value. It is very well for Lord

Spencer and other Irish landowners to insist they must be settled with before they will consent to Home Rule, but it is time for the British people to see through this trick, and to declare that the unjust claims shall not be recognised, or allowed to stand in the path of progress.

Gentry and Gipsies.

The heaviest indictment yet pronounced against Irish landlords is that, as a class, they are uncultured. They are untaught, unlearned, ignorant. Their ideas do not go beyond hunt. ing, shooting, and drinking. But, if there is the slightest reason for an aristocracy, it is this, that by giving a body of men superior opportunities for culture, they should show a superior example of culture. If the men do not show culture, but live a life on the lowest scale of humanity, what better are they than the gipsies? We prefer the gipsies. They are less costly. The theft of an occasional goose or chicken is not nearly so bad as the theft of a whole family's means of living.

Idlers and Idolatry.

The efforts of many sons of poor but dishonest parents in Australasia to create an aristocracy are regarded by the Democracy of the island-continent with ridicule or indifference. But the people should take care. It is actually becoming respectable in Sydney and Melbourne not to have something to do. Ten years ago an idler would have been regarded with more abhorrence than an habitual drunkard. It mattered not whether he was a poor idler or a rich idler; idleness was regarded as shameful. But things are changing. The loungers are endeavouring to make lounging the prevalent idolatry. If the working men of Australia are not careful, the West-end of each of their great cities will become like the West end of London, which in viciousness and idleness has long ago left Sodom and Gomorrah far behind. The cure is a thoroughgoing land tax.

It is said that every week about seven hundred men drift from the country to swell

that great host of the miserable-the inhabitants of East London. It is in vain for philanthropy to grapple with the problem. There are only two solutions of it. We must either once a week invade the slums of London with the troops and shoot down every ragged fellow who is visible, or we must make a vast alteration in our land laws. East London-and for that part East Glasgow, East Manchester, East every town-is a standing menace to civilisation. It is a fouler blot on our civilisation than the butcheries of a Roman holiday. And yet there are vast tracks of fertile England as deserted as the wild West of America. Long tracks of productive lan lay waiting for the industrious husbandman. Here we have the men starving for the ground, there we have the ground starving for the men. But landlordism stands between and forbids them to come together. How long, oh Lord! how long must this murderous intervention continue ?

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To some of those who are ever hankering after the vulgar distinction of a title we may recommend the wise reflection of Gil Blas when, sorely against his will, he was dubbed a noble. "I may add a foot of honour to my name whenever I please; and, if any of my acquaintance should snuff or snigger when they call me Dou, I may suck my teeth, lean upon my elbow, and draw out my credentials of heraldry. I may safely say that the recollection of the act for which I was promoted effectually kept down my pride. Neither did the bashfulness of low blood ever forsake me; so that nobility to me was like a hair shirt to a penitent. I determined, therefore, to lock up the evidences of my shame in a private drawer, instead of blazoning them to dazzle the foolish and corrupt."

The Land Commissioners in Scotland have been making some startling reductions in rental. These reductions extend from 25 per cent to 75 per cent. The meaning of this is that for years the landlords have been exacting rents with an utter and shameless disregard of right and reason. Should they not be forced to make restitution? We believe that an Arrears

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