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MAZZINI'S VIEWS OF SOCIALISM.

(To the Editor of the " Working Man.”)

SIR, It is impossible not to sympathise with the generous zeal with which your correspondent " A. T." writes his letter, entitled "Socialism on the Defensive," and I should join with him in the "protest" he enters, were the facts of the case he puts precisely as he supposes. "A. T." thinks it wrong in Mazzini to make allusions to " systems advocated among foreigners, which violate property, the source of all emulation, liberty, and labour." Considered as a mere question of policy, these remarks to the operatives of Parma are more calculated to do good than harm. Mazzini is the great advocate of association among the Italian working men. He alone raises an influential voice in its favour, and he delays the attainment of great political objects, in order to give his testimony on behalf of social improvement. He encounters formidable obloquy by his generous advocacy of association, which all the enemies of it describe, on the Continent, as a disguised system of predatory violence. Both “A. T." and I, believe that association is but a stepping-stone to a wiser, more harmonious, comprehensive, and fraternal system, which we call communism. enlarged view therefore of tendency of Mazzini's important social advocacy, would recognise in him an important and independent ally. Both "A. T." and I, know that the best and the modern forms of communism are intellectual, moral, and persuasive, and utterly opposed to violence. Mazzini therefore in warning the operative friends of association in Parma against "systems advocated" anywhere, "which violate property," shields, with protecting words, the infant germ of association in Italy.

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But Mazzini is characterised by an integrity of intellect, which leads him always to speak from principle rather than from policy. He differs fundamentally from communists, as to the mode of regulating the fundamental element of all society-property. His remarks, however, which "A. T." so passionately contests, imply a species of accusation against some foreigners, somewhere, who, at some time, have "advocated systems which violate property." Nothing can be more vague and general than this remark. It specifies nobody, nor fixes the charge on any existing system. Why should "A. T." appropriate it to himself? or raise the question that it can apply to anybody in England, or France, in these days? We, in England, who are communists, never suppose it can refer to us. He quotes from my own reply to Ebenezer Elliott, a proof that violence never entered into English communism. The traditionary accusations which Ebenezer Elliott puts into his epigram, were imported into England from France, where violent theories, in bygone periods, are believed to have been advocated. Communism in England has always had the opposite defect. It has inclined to humanitarianism-to a species of energetic feebleness. In England people smile-they do not "protest " against communism being called violent here.

The three authorities "A T." quotes, precisely illustrate this point.

Mr. Ruskin simply accuses socialists of a "powerless foolishness,"
which is a long way from "violence." Lord Brougham charges com-
munism with being guilty of a "distinction "-a very harmless sort of
offence; and Mr. W. Chambers thinks communism "whimsical." If
Mazzini accuses us of violence, I rather thank him for it.
"A. T." says

we ought" rather to cry, for the sting is the sharpest, and the wound
the keenest, coming from such a quarter." As it is better to be feared
than to be despised, Mazzini pays us a compliment in suggesting that
there may be an atom of pugnacious vigour at the bottom of us.

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It must, however, be admitted that "A. T." has left his defence unsatisfactorily vague. Does he intend to say that no philosophical or political school has ever advocated the forcible abolition of individual property? What was the conspiracy of Babeuf for, which Mr. Bronterre O'Brien trauslated into English? Was there really nothing in the writings of Cabet, and in the communistic periodical press of France before 1848, and during that year, which advocated the political subversion of private property? Do not systems like Saint Simonianism, or that of Louis Blanc, or others, which advocate the concentration of all capital and implements of labour in the hands of the state, amount to the same thing? Had "A. T." dealt with these considerations inseparable from a close and efficient reply to Mazzini, his answer would be infinitely more instructive. From his acquirements and personal position, he is competent to speak to these points.

Long before modern French socialism raised its active head, the English people had recognised in Mazzini the advocate of an important scheme of co-operation-that is, the establishment of voluntary working men's associations, producing new wealth through capital of their own, and therefore getting all the results of production-giving labour as a basis to property. He has preached this doctrince since 1832. He preaches it still, and is now practically working for it in Italy, to an extent and with a degree of success with which nothing being done now in France by anyone can compare, Capital for the production belonging indivisibly to the association-distribution of the profits according to the work done, and constituting individual property of each associate-this is Mazzini's principle.

It is certainly believed, in England and elsewhere, that communism in France has until late years sought the intervention of the State to give effect to its doctrines of common property. It is against this that I understand Mazzini to warn his countrymen as a source of peril. Is this warning without any foundation in historical fact? If so, he who proves it will do infinite service to the reputation of communism in Europe. There is no adequate answer to the position of Mazzini in "A. T.'s " letter.

The state of Mazzini's health is unfortunately such, that if "A. T.'s " letter came under his notice, he would not be able to reply to it. Will you permit these few words of explanation from another hand? G. J. HOLYOAKE.

Yours truly,

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WHAT a mighty centre of the world's wealth is London. It is the great heart of the social universe, and its ceaseless pulsations throb through every channel which has been opened by civilization, enterprise and industry. In its docks, and upon its wharves-its crowded streets, and well-stored shops -its river craft, and railway termini-its many steeples, and multitude of chimnies-in its dirty solid splendour, and in the inharmonious roar of its restless energy, London is the most colossal representative of human power that the world has yet realized.

Among the most substantial and satisfactory evidences of the wealth and prosperity of London, may be regarded the outlying clusters of handsome and well-appointed mausions, villas, and cottage residences. which occupy and adorn the entire suburbs of the metropolis, and which are every year encroaching further and further upon the rural districts of Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, and Essex.

In these homes of the wealthy citizens of London, may be found every combination of comfort and elegance; and it would, perhaps, have been difficult to select a better specimen of its class than Athol Lodge, the residence of the prosperous descendant of old Baillie Angus. The house was large and commodious, built in the villa style, and surrounded by spacious lawn and garden grounds, and no expense had been spared by Mr. Angus in carrying out the various plans which Helen's exquisite taste had suggested, in furnishing and advancing both the house and the grounds.

Mr. Angus had been early left a widower, and in Helen, his only daughter, he now centred all the affections of his heart. Inheriting much of her father's energy and shrewd intelligence, she had derived from her mother a sweetness and gentleness of disposition, that won its way to all hearts; and her character, strengthened by the responsibility which had been so early imposed upon it, had matured ere yet she was twenty years of age, into that of a cultivated noble-hearted woman. The test to which it had been exposed was of the most dangerous character; limitless indulgence, and unrestrained confidence, too often engendering self-will and pride; but in Helen's case the early counsels of a mother had left an undying impression, and she dwelt with inexpressible tenderness and affection upon those lessons, in which she had been taught, as a child, to reverence the Scriptures as the fountain of all wisdom; and He whom she had made the Guide of her youth, had shed upon her soul those softening and purifying influences which can alone preserve the human heart amid the seductive influences of wordly prosperity, and the injudicious flatteries to which youth and beauty are ever exposed.

Helen's affection for her father was unbounded. She had long been not merely the child of his love, but his companion and friend She had been early removed from school to occupy the void both in his heart and home occasioned by the death of Mrs. Angus; and though little versed himself in the more elegant refinements of education which Helen pursued with enthusiastic order, he was admirably qualified to direct and guide her in those studies which comprehended the more solid and practical branches of knowledge. His successes in business were doubly valued as the means of enabling him to gratify every wish of his child, whether for her own improvement or the welfare of others; and his own heart had been blunted and seared, as a member of the great human family, by the absorbing influence of his intense devotion to business, yet he never grudged the money he had earned, when bestowed by Helen on the various objects of her bounty and benevolence.

There are many men who, like Mr. Angus, will gladly see others relieve the suffering which society permits to accumulate in its midst, but who will not deviate from the daily routine of the counting-house or the counter, to arrest the causes of that misery which it would be so much easier to prevent than to cure.

The day on which Helen had paid her eventful visit to the Millicents, had been a busy one in her father's counting-house-a large contract having been concluded on advantageous_terms with a foreign house, and these terms had been greatly in favour of Mr. Angus and his partner, from the fact that they had recently succeeded in reducing the charge for work upon nearly all the articles required, through the instrumentality of the middle men and women who grind the poor operatives to the lowest possible scale of remuneration. Mr. Angus went home in high spirits that evening; but the idea did not once occur to him, that an arrangement which added so largely to his own gains, had driven to the very verge of despair, 500 poor creatures who, in garret, hovel, and cellar, were maintaining a hopeless struggle against starvation itself.

As he entered his own luxurious drawing-room, and kissed the blooming cheek of his daughter, his mind was undisturbed by any painful contrasts between the scene which conveyed so much delight and pride to his own mind, and the dismal mockeries of home, amid which were the pining hundreds who toiled in such bitter penury that he might be rich.

Not so, however, with Helen; the recollection of the scenes through which she had passed, and the suffering she had witnessed remained with painful distinctness, nor could she avoid a sense of shame and sorrow, as the figure of that pale careworn girl rose in her remembrance, to think that she was in her father's employ.

Helen had resolved freely to communicate to her father all that she had seen and heard; and when she had dismissed the tea equipage, and drawn her ottoman to her father's side, she soon succeeded in enlisting his attention and interest-without, however, at first letting him know the name of her protègèe, or the fact that she was one of his own workpeople. She described the case as one that had been brought under her notice, and in which she was deeply interested. She spoke of the long and hopeless struggle of poor Millicent and his family with disease and want, the wretched condition of their miserable abode, and the unwearied devotion of poor Mary in her endeavours to support her sick father and little brothers; and she suggested such modes of relief as had occurred to her own mind, as most suitable under the exigencies of the case.

"Very sad, very sad, Helen," said Mr. Angus; "you must get that poor fellow down here in some lodging for a few weeks; he'll soon pick up, I dare say, and if we can get him to his loom again, they'll all go right by-and-bye. That daughter of his must be a jewel of a girl, but she has taken up with a poor trade, not much to be made out of that I know." A very short spas

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modic attempt at a laugh accompanied the conclusion of this sentence. It was apologetic rather than expressive of any pleasure suggested by the idea. 66 By-the-bye who does she work for ?" said he; I am afraid we are a sad screwing lot; but competition obliges us to cut very fine-too fine-too low I know, but how can we help it?"

"Do you think, papa, if I tell who are poor Mary's employers, that you should have any influence with them to give her better work, or to raise her wages?"

"Why, I should be sorry to guarantee that. We more frequently talk about reducing wages than raising them; but then we don't compel the poor things to take the work. It's their own choice, and I can assure you, Helen, we have hundreds applying for work, and imploring us to take them onmore than we can employ.'

"Well, dear papa, I can't argue about trade, and the rules of business; but when I look around upon this lovely, happy home, which I owe to your indulgence, I can't bear to think that the homes of those who toil to make us rich, should present such a terrible contrast. Surely, if all the gentlemen in your trade, papa, knew how these poor creatures lived, they would have a meeting, and something might be done."

"If the poor things could but have you for an advocate, I should have some hope of such a meeting," said Mr. Angus; but self-Helen-self, is the great city counsel; and he pleads with stentorian lungs in a court where the silvery voice of humanity and justice would be drowned in the strife of estimates, contracts, and competition.

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(To be continued.)

ROBESPIERRE'S BIRTH DAY ANNIVERSARY.-The 102 anniversary of the birth of the "incorruptible" Robespierre was celebrated on Wednesday, the 9th ult., at the Ecclectic Hall, Denmark-street, Soho; Mr. J. B. O'Brien, President of the National Reform League, in the chair. The evening turned out to be a drencher," which, no doubt, had the effect of keeping the audience away. To those assembled, however, Mr. O'Brien addressed himself with great force for upwards of an hour and a-half, vividly and emphatically pointing out by analysis the beneficient changes-hurtful to none-sought to be brought about by this "greatest of modern or ancient statesman and law-giver." Mr. O'Brien contended that Robespierre, taken as a whole, stood without a compeer throughout all past time. If he consulted Greek history, from Theseus to Aratus, he found none to approach him on justice and jurisprudence. Roman history was equally barren-the Gracchi, and all the other dignitaries, fell immeasurably short when brought to the standard by which all men ought to be measured for their greatness. With "the code Robespierrian," human happiness could be approximated, if not made perfect; without it there could be no hope, and chaos would hold supremacy. He had lived to see and to hear the name and the memory of this great and good man rise from the foul calumny which had at one time assailed and murdered it. His very enemies began to pay a little deference to his worth of character; and the day would come, when the name of him, whose birth they had met to celebrate, would, like that of the Saviour, shine forth in all its refulgence, that men may see the good within him. Mr. O'Brien's address was a master-piece. Messrs. Nash and Dickie also spoke on the occasion.

MEDICINE FOR THE PEOPLE.-Dr. Skelton is delivering a course of lectures at Hawkstone-hall, Waterloo-road. That gentleman deserves to be encouraged by every well wisher of truth, and of the people, in his efforts to diffuse a knowledge of domestic medicine; the absurd state of ignorance under which the masses are on a subject most important to themselves, and often the most simple and easy of learning is really wonderful, and is only surpassed by their slavish and blind obedience to their privileged patent-paid-for doctors.

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