employ that edifice for their several purposes and meetings, and occasionally for some common assemblage, and some joint or common end, in the prosecution and for the attainment of which they can all

concur.

M. Pelletan, though he himself is not only not a Communist, in the ordinary sense of that term, and though he avows his dissent from, and even his opposition to, Communism, as it is generally understood, and as being, in his distinction of it from Christian Communism, merely physical Communism, or a greedy, grasping, worldly, and therefore selfish and even insurrectionary, appetite for having "all things in common,"-M. Pelletan, nevertheless, undeniably proves, by the Gospel, and very numerous quotations from the works of the "Fathers of the Church," and from Opinions or Judgments of Councils, from Decretals of Popes, from Declarations of Assemblies of the Clergy, from those of Archbishops, Bishops, and Doctors, from the Doctrines of Catechisms, and from penalties of Penance Books,-as the fruit of all this immense labour and research (to undertake which he was prompted by the intolerance and the mistaken vaingloriousness and arrogance of the soi-disant Religious Party in the heterogeneous confederacy of Poitiers Street), that Christianity, in its very origin in the precept of Christ-"at the very foot of Calvary, while it was still reeking with the blood of the Saviour "-" in the shadow of Christ when he remounted into Heaven"-in the "Primitive Church of the Apostles," was essentially identified with, and was founded, in part at least, upon community of goods, or Communism, and that this same Christianity and Christian Church thus essentially characterised, or at least the Roman Catholic Church, during all the succeeding centuries of its duration down to the present age, has invariably upheld the doctrine, that the possession of individual property or private wealth, is a sin involving "death to the soul;" and that Usury, or the taking of any interest for loans, is a heresy, against which the Church has gone so far as to denounce the punishment of excommunication and ejectment from her bosom, and even exclusion from the right of burial.

In the eloquent language of M. Pelletan himself, he states what follows as to individual property or private wealth :—

"While enduring or acquiescing in the rule of property which says, this is mine,' and 'that is thine-a rule still prevailing in society, through the personal appropriation of the land under the old Roman civil law-she (the Church) has not the less protested, from a profound conviction, against what she has called or has pronounced to be the injustice of individual property, and it has not been from inadvertency or heedlessness, or by chance, or only from the mouth of this or that Father of the Church, that she has fulminated this protest. It has been wittingly, knowingly, or with full consciousness; it has been with deliberate purpose or intention that she has thundered it from the mouths of all the Fathers of the Church with the same persistency, and with the same unchangeableness, and with the same energy of expressions."

And again, as to lending at interest, or usury, M. Pelletan says:"There is nothing equivocal in any or all the texts or authorities

quoted. There is no possible interpretation of them which can alternate or weaken the eternal law of the Church, proclaimed and acclaimed in every country, throughout all the ages of the Gospel, certainly, continuously, and by all. You may shake or rattle this chain of the written traditions of eighteen hundred years in length, but we defy you to detach or loosen from it a single link. We have only wished, in reviving this serious problem of usury, to give a lesson of tolerance to the party of M. de Montalembert. If that party were truly Catholic, it would listen to what has taken place in the far distance of the centuries behind it, to that great ocean of traditions, every wave of which, in subsiding, murmurs an anathema against the right of money, or of individual or private property, it would perhaps find that in this world some people ought to be ashamed of their opinions.”

Whatever may be the impression produced by M. Pelletan's labours upon this subject, in France and other Roman Catholic States, in which the doctrines of Catholicism, we may presume, are more generally understood than in Protestant countries, the most striking feeling that his labours are likely to excite in England will be, in our opinion, one of surprise and astonishment that the Roman Catholic Church has so unremittingly waged war, in her doctrines at least, though not in all her practices, against the dominion of Mammon; and after reading all M. Pelletan's citations, and after pondering upon the weight of his long and unbroken chain of authorities, it is impossible to withhold the honour of this tribute from the Roman Catholic Church, and it should be with a feeling of gratitude and joy that all philanthropists, even including Protestants, acknowledge it.

Every unprejudiced and disinterested reader, and even the majority of those who are both prejudiced and interested, must be inwardly satisfied, how unwilling soever some of them may be to acknowledge it, after having considered the whole of the texts and authorities cited by M. Pelletan in the following pages, and also his own brief but highly energetic and convincing reasonings, in proof of the Scriptural doctrine, and of the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, that for Christians to live in the actual practice and reciprocal enjoyment of community of goods, and of all the property of their whole body, is, essentially and unalterably, an obligatory characteristic condition of Christianity, with which it is absolutely impossible to dispense.

We are indeed sufficiently and even fully aware, that this all-important question and subject of Communism is beset with practical difficulties that it must be treated of with the greatest circumspection-and that in consequence of its being possible that its adoption, either in theory or in practice, may proceed from either the one or the other of two very different and indeed diametrically opposite motives, and for very different and equally opposite ends, that therefore its adoption in practice, as a matter of civil arrangement, or of civil law, would require to be approached with, if possible, even greater caution and circumspection than the theoretical discussion which it requires. There is one unequivocal test indeed, by means of which very many individuals can always know their own sincerity, in desiring to live practically in

Christian Communism, and may at the same time prove their sincerity to others, and to the whole world; and that is by all such persons as possess property voluntarily divesting themselves of it as individuals, in obedience to the precept of Christ, and in compliance with the example of the first Christians, and forming therewith a common stock or community of goods, with others, who can show themselves to be influenced by the same spirit, or whom they can believe to be influenced by the same spirit.

(To be continued.)

ROCHDALE CO-OPERATORS IN SEEMING RETREAT.

THE Co-operative Manufacturing Society of Rochdale has lately taken a step, which, to those little acquainted with the subject, may seem to indicate, that it is weary of wearing the honours it has so well won. For many years past, good men, and thinking men, too, have been lamenting the frequent occurrence of strikes; but neither philanthropy nor intellectuality seemed able to point out a remedy. It was a difficulty which appeared insurmountable, until it became known that a few unpretending men in Rochdale had brought labour and capital together upon new conditions.

The Rochdale Manufacturing Society, after paying 5 per cent. per annum to capital, and wages to labour, divided its profits between the two interests. This arrangement enabled labour to look upon itself as something more than a mere instrument in the hands of capital, and it served to show, that capital, in the hands of co-operators, had a conscience, which individual speculation has never given to it. This novel arrangement had attracted the attention of men in all parts of Europe. Statesmen had expressed their approbation and even their admiration. The wisdom of a few artizans in a provincial town, among the bleak hills of Lancashire, had given new hopes to those who have grown grey in the service of the people. Rochdale was quoted-Rochdale was pointed to, in the Senate and in the Assembly, where the most learned and the most philanthropic men of modern times met to devise plans of social regeneration, and to promote the common interests of all classes in every country. A decision lately come to by the Rochdale Manufacturing Society has changed this to some extent. For some time past, many of the members have been dissatisfied with the sensible regulation alluded to, and have done all in their power to destroy it. Some months ago, the attempt was made, but at that time was defeated; in February last, however, the attempt was renewed, and this time with success.

It is necessary to pay some attention to this result, because, if unexplained, by many it may be regarded as evidence that the principle is not a sound one. Those who hear of this decision from a distance, and do not become acquainted with the causes which have led to it, will be induced to believe, that this new hope of the operative has proved an abortive one.

It will be easily understood that all are not co-operators who reap its profits and share the advantages it can confer. When co-operation was struggling for existence, the men who aided it were real co-operators. When it had become a success, and had pecuniary gain to offer, many availed themselves of its benefits, without being much acquainted with its principles, and without feeling any of the loftiness of its aims. It is by this class of co-operators that the principle of sharing profits between capital and labour has been struck down in Rochdale. The principle has lost no ground in reality; none of its founders have lost faith in it; none of them have abandoned it. They have simply been out-voted by the immense numbers who never appreciated it, and who care for co-operation from it only when immediate gain is to be got.

It may be supposed by some that this decision has been brought about by men who are not of the operative class; but it is asserted by those who are in a position to know, and whose testimony is not lightly to be doubted, that it is another instance of shortsighted and suicidal policy among the operatives themselves. Those who advocate the principle of "participation of profits," and who laboured to keep the law unchanged, are among the largest shareholders in the soccety. The principle would have been safe, if the operatives concerned had not been pitifully blind to the future welfare of their order.

The arguments made use of by the malcontents seem to show, beyond question, that it is mere selfishness that has brought about this temporary disaster. The only reason assigned for seeking this change of the law was, that all could not be employed at the mill, and that until this could be done, it was wrong to give the worker any share of the profits. If this is to be taken as a true index of cooperative wisdom, there is nothing of which anyone can justly boast. Co-operation, throughout all its proceedings, supposes that the balance has been unjustly held between capital and labour, merchant and customer; and its object is to secure a more equitable adjustment of conflicting interests. This is entirely ignored by the men who have struck down the best feature of co-operation in Rochdale, and every enemy of the working classes will exult over the work they have done, and, if shrewd, will turn against the operative the arguments which Rochdale has furnished, whenever he complains that justice is not done to him. It is consoling to know, at this time, that the wisdom of the old pioneers of Rochdale has not been defeated before it has spread to other places. In Manchester there is a thriving society, by which this important principle of "participation" has been adopted. Surely the friends of enlightened co-operation in that city will make some effort to educate the co-operative mind, and to sustain the principle which Rochdale has so recklessly rejected, until it has been fairly tested by time and experience.

The quiet way in which many of the Rochdale pioneers are submitting to the destruction of their best hopes is a proof that they have profited by the study and devotion they have given to the subiect of co-operation. At this time they would have greatly embarrassed the society, had they resolved all at once to withdraw their capital. This is not their policy. They intend, we are informed, to wait until a revival of trade shall make it possible to withdraw, without damage to the present society, and then to form another, in which their highest principle shall be embodied, without the possibility of its being again destroyed by uninformed selfishness.

When Rochdale can make such a mistake, and sacrifice all principle to mere selfishness, it is manifest that the co-operative movement needs guidance and direction everywhere.

J. J.

NOTICE TO CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES.

WE have been requested to insert the following:

The Bill to amend and extend the laws relating to Industrial and Provident Societies is expected to be before Parliament for the second reading shortly after Easter, and societies are requested to be in readiness to forward their petitions to M.P.'s at the time of, or when notice is given for, the second reading.

Societies that have not been furnished with petitions, are desired to copy the one from this number of the "Working Man."

About 140 societies have, up to the present, made returns; such as have not yet obtained forms, are particularly requested to write immediately for the WILLIAM Cooper.

same to

Oldham-road, Rochdale.

MANY were the prognostications, whilst he was at school, that George Angus would turn out a keen man of business. He was the best hand at figures in his class, and would at any time rather work out a whole page of Walkingame, than construe a single line of Virgil. His school-fellows nick-named him the pedlar; for he was always dabbling in small ventures of toffee, gingerbread, and marbles, which he retailed to his less provident companions, at profits which he adopted, with rare cunning, to the risks which he ran of payment on the following Saturday. His bargains at the village shop, drove the old dame, who kept it, very nearly to destraction. The rigour with which he exacted the turn of the scale, and the odd one over. The way in which he talked about the allowance on wholesale orders, and his reference to discounts and cash payments, put her, as she said, "in a perfect warrill," every time he came into her shop; and yet he had such a good tempered cannie way with him, and always paid, as he said, ready money for everything, that though she feared, she at the same time could not help liking her best but most troublesome customer. George inherited this intense appreciation of a bargain from his father, a snug mercer in a small country town in Scotland, who was well known by all the commercial travellers on the road as their shrewdest customer north of the Tweed. Every one sought the Baillie's custom, for he was known to be a safe man, and dealt largely, but the settlement of an account was an affair which invariably put the keenest faculties on each side to the test. The following story was narrated with great zest in the commercial room as an instance of the Baillie's sharp witted skill in getting the advantage of a southern dealer. A traveller having called and presented his account, which was rather a heavy one, it was closely scrutinized by the wily Scotchman, and after every possible allowance and deduction had been arranged on the score of errors and defects :

Weel," said the Baillie, "ye may just tak off the discount, and I'll settle wi' ye at once."

The discount was subtracted and the receipt written, when, instead of handing over the cash, the Baillie very coolly told the exasperated traveller, that he "might draw a bill upon him at twa months."

But, said the latter, I have allowed you discount for cash, and not for a bill, and you must excuse my taking such a mode of payment..

"Oh! weel" said the imperturbable Baillie, "if ye dinna like to settle the