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But we do not admit that it is a matter of necessity that the Greeks, if liberated from the Turkish yoke should of course come under a monarchical form of government. We have no doubt, that in 1776, the politicians of Europe speculated on the impossibility of establishing a republican form of government in America, much as they now speculate to the same purpose about Greece. We do not mean to say, that as good a foundation is laid in Greece as had been laid in America for representative and republican liberty. Nothing like it; and no zeal for the cause in foreign countries shall lead us so to disparage the character of our own. But there are, nevertheless, some circumstances in Greece highly favourable to the erection of a federal republican government. That country consists of numerous provinces, geographically separated from each other; not so remotely placed, nor so essentially disjoined, as to make it impossible to include them under a federal head: but yet marked out into states, by natural and historical peculiarities. This circumstance is in favour of a republican, and against a monarchical govern. ment. Again, nothing is more difficult than to set up a new monarchy. On the rock of this difficulty Bonaparte split. Prescription and antiquity are the pillars of monarchy now. Nobody talks at the present day of the divine right of kings; or, if they do, that divine right must be well made out by long rolls of parchment and ample wax seals. Of all Napoleon's new kings, not one, any more than himself, has survive ed the downfall of the portentous military power, by which he seated them on their thrones; with the single exception of Bernadotte, and time has not yet put the seal to his plebeian royalty. The kings of Saxony, of Wurtemburgh, of Bavaria, indeed remain; but they are the legitimate successors of the ducal and electoral houses of those countries; some of the oldest princely families in Europe. The Jeromes, and the Josephs, and the Louises, the Elizas and the Murats, the kingdoms of Westphalia and of Etruria, are vanished. Is the arm of the Holy Alliance longer and stronger than his, who set up these mushroom sovereignties? Suppose Russia and Austria were to set the son of Gustavus of Sweden on the throne of Greece? Where would he be in six months after the next war with England ?—Very likely a crazed fanatic, making the pilgrimage of Jerusalem with his father. In the present state of knowledge and speculation on political subjects, when men meet together, the day before or the day

after a great revolution, to renew or to erect the social compact, the idea of a monarchy is one of the last that enters their heads. There they stand, all equal, none privileged, with the physical and the political power in their hands. What shall they do with that power ?-Keep it in their own hands, is the only answer that occurs to them. If their neighbours stand by, with overwhelming armies, and tell them they shall recall their old king, or they shall take a new one, they must, of course, for the moment, submit. But Greece presents a new case. The Spanish, the Neapolitan, the French process does not run against them. The Holy Alliance can grant no writ of habeas corpus, to bring up the body of an old king, and reinstate him on the Grecian throne. -No royal mandamus can go out, to replace the Paleologi, and Comnenas in the palace of Sparta or of Athens : there is no palace there; and a limitation of four centuries is certainly good against all the Porphyrogeniti.—Here there is a new case to be settled, not on new principles, but on first principles. If, indeed, the Duke of Brienne has a descendant; if the line of Baldwin is not extinct in France, a claim of legitimacy might be set up. But this, we suppose, will not be attempted; and the imposing of a foreign king, or the elevation of a domestic one to the throne of Greece, would be in violation of the principles of the Holy Alliance itself; which, we understand to be that the legitimate prince must reign ; that the throne must be founded on a historical basis. If there is to be a king in Greece, it is much more likely that he will come in upon the original footing.

“Le premier qui fut roi, fat un soldat heureux.” It would be in the order of nature,* though not in the course of present probability, that Colocotroni or Ulysses should acquire a military ascendancy which might settle down into monarchical power. This, however, is not at all favoured by present appearances; and against this, there is no doubt the Holy Alliance would protest.

We think, therefore, from the best view we can take of the subject, that the probability is in favour of the erection of a free government in Greece; although, if a monarchy should be established there, we are unwilling to admit this ought to

* Somewhat as it was in the order of nature “ to encircle Mr Cush. ing's brows with a diadem,” which good Dr Johnson propounced to bo the object of the American patriots of the revolution.

cut the Greeks off from all sympathy on the part of the Americans.

In the next place, the cause of Greece is entitled to our sympathy, because, if the Turkish yoke is broken, and a government of laws is established, Greece will become a commercial state. This would be of great importance not merely to America, as a commercial nation, interested in the multiplication of markets for demand and supply, but it would be of great importance to the civilized world.

The Mediterranean sea, till the discovery of the passage about the Cape of Good Hope, was the field of the world's commerce. Hither its streams flowed from the distant tin mines of Britain, and the amber fisheries of Prussia in the west; and from the regions of silk, and pearl, and gold in the east. What countries could be better adapted to carry on this trade; to receive and distribute this commerce? The natural aptitude remains. The islands and numerous harbours of Greece and the Archipelago still exist. The face of the earth does not furnish many spots better adapted for the site of a great commercial capital, than the plain of Troy, or several of the Grecian islands near it. They do not even want that which has been mentioned as their chief defect, considered as a site for an emporium of trade, a great inland communication, by means of a navigable river. They stand at the mouth of one of the greatest river navigations in the world; in the present state of the world's population, probably the very greatest. Where do the melting glaciers, that constitute the Danube, while it can all be held in a cup, find their passage to the sea ?- At the Dardanelles. Thither they flow, through Bavaria, the Tyrol, Austria, Hungary, Servia, Bulgaria, and Wallachia ; and thither, if a free state were established at the mouth of the Hellespont, they would carry the productions of half the most fertile part of Germany. "This alone would give to any city established there the command

wider communication, than that which centres in New Orleans. But this is a small part only of the natural intercourse which might be opened with the Grecian Archipelago. All Poland northeast of the Carpathians, and three quarters of European Russia are drained by the rivers that flow into the Black Sea, of which the natural outlet is at the Dardanelles. We need not name the Dneister, the Bog, the Dneiper, the Don, and their tributaries; and greater than all, the Wolga, which, though it does not empty into the Black Sea, is destined by

nature to contribute a vast commerce toward that channel. Ten years would not elapse after the establishment of a free government in Greece, before a canal would be cut from Sarepta on the Wolga (already an immense depot), to the nearest point of the Don; and by this canal, not only would a communication to the Grecian sea be opened with the commerce of the whole country drained by the Wolga, but to that also which connects with the Caspian, and centres at Astrachan. Pursue the circuit of the Euxine from the outlet of the Sea of Azof, and the Kuban brings into it the produce of Georgia and Caucasus; to this succeeds the southern shore of the Black Sea, less known by its modern Turkish geography, than by its ancient names of Armenia, Pontus, and Bithynia, the seat of some of the richest states of the old world; then follow Anatolia and Syria ; Egypt, and the countries drained by the Nile; the north of Africa, and the European coasts of the Mediterranean, the Levant, and the Adriatic. These are the regions, to whose commerce a free state in Greece would have direct access; besides its proportionate share of the remoter general commerce of the world, and the peculiar advantages of an over-land trade with the East.

The growth of a state thus favourably situated for commerce would be a direct benefit to every other commercial state. Nothing is more true in commerce, than that the gain of one is the gain of all. The advantages of commerce rest not on the loss of the other party, but on the mutual benefit of both. When population increases, in a free state, the customers of all the other free states thereby increase.

Where resources multiply and develope themselves, in one country, the demand for the commodities of every other country, and the means of paying for them, are multiplied in equal proportion. There is no danger of rivalry here. It is an advantage to have rivals; for this leads to industry, frugality, and enterprise, and these are the roads to prosperity and wealth. The English statesmen in 1775, who were willing to foresee in America the germ of another maritime and commercial power, foreboded injurious consequences to their own interests. Who does not know that no event ever happened to England, which has been more beneficial to her than our independence.

This, however, is a narrow view of the causes for sympathizing with the Greeks, as a people destined to extend the circuit of profitable commercial intercourse. Advanced civilization is the first-born child of commerce. The erection

of a free state in Greece, connected with the civilized states of the earth by the bonds of a mutually beneficial trade, must be the first step towards the return of her ancient civilization to its primitive seats. Greece, Asia Minor, Syria-are these the proper abodes of barbarity and despotism? Is it to be admitted as a fixed necessity of the political system of the modern world, that countries so well adapted by nature to be the habitation of man in the happiest condition consistent with human imperfection, should forever henceforth present the shocking spectacle which they now exhibit? And how is the change to be brought about? Gradually, no doubt; and in the application of those means which every where else have produced the desired effects,—the establishment of a government of laws, and the consequent security of property and growth of trade. Commerce is an instinct of our nature. Dr Smith would even make the trucking principle final and primitive in our constitutions. But there is one beyond it, from which it flows,--the love of happiness, and of the comforts enjoyments, and luxuries, which contribute, or are supposed to contribute, to our happiness. These, it is found, in the very first result of social experience, cannot be obtained without a government by laws, which shall afford security in the acquisition, possession, and transfer of the fruits of industry. Again, the acquisition of the means of supplying our wants and desires is promoted by various improvements in the arts and in knowledge: hence science is cultivated, and intellectual progress is made. Next, the opulence acquired, seeks, in the operation of other natural principles, to exhibit itself advantageously, and to win applause; and hence the patronage afforded, and the demand created, for the beautiful productions of the fine arts. Lastly, it is found that honesty, virtue, and law are the only rule, by which the immensely complicated interests that have grown up in this improved state of things, can be administered, and, therefore, moral principle is made, in all things, to be the guide and arbitress of private and public action. We state this only as the natural progress of civilization; to which partial exceptions, greater or less, exist in different civilized countries; but to which also the condition of all such countries more or less conforms.

[To be concluded in our next.

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