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frank and martial chivalry of the age, may be cited as the best of those of the Round Table, as Ogier le Danois
affords, perhaps, the most perfect specimen of the other class.
[To be continued.]
TO L. M. B.
Then pass unto thy quiet rest!
The Indian chief, Jeckoyva, as tradition says, perished alone on the mountain which now bears his name. Night overtook him whilst hunting among the cliffs, and he was not heard of till after a long time, when his half-decayed corpse was found at the foot of a high rock, over which he must lave fallen. Mount Jeckoyva is near the White Hills.
They made the warrior's grave beside
O'er him thus fallen in his pride,
Where, scattered by the sharp wind's breath,
And made the woodlands faint with thirst?
Down the bare rock so high and white !
Deep marks and foot-prints in the clay!
H. W. L.
My bosom warmed;
Whane'er she moved,
That her I loved.
Frae day to day-
Ye canna say. An' we did hae a bonny bower Bedight wi' hue o'mony a flower, An' there we sat frae hour to hour,
We twa alane, An' then on us nae een could glower,
We cared for nane. There she did sketch, sae bright, sae fair, Sweet sights which I shall see na mair, Visions o bliss, an' glories glare,
Afore mine een,
In a' their sheen.
Whare'er I strayed, An' my young heart should loupin' be
Whare'er I gaed. An' wad ye ken wba she is ca’d, This lass, wha could wi' plaisance haud, An' steal awa' a heart sae bauld
A' in a blink? Wha? Why, she is Fancy ca'd,
I'd hae ye think. But she's a fausse deceitfu' hizzie, Nae whare she should be aften busy, The brains o’laddies makin dizzy
Withouten drink; Begone, you fausse deceitfu' bizzie,
Quick as a wink!
I'll hae nae mair to do wi' ye,
North American Review for July, 1825.
(Concluded.] Here is a long, and to us a heavy, article of nearly forty pages on the “Common Law Jurisdiction.” We presume those who understood the subject before, will be interested and instructed by it. But for ourselves, we will honestly confess that we read mush and had only vague notions ; indeed, we bad well nigh read the article quite through without learning what the writer would prove or show, except particularly that be understood Latin and French and had read Governor Pownall, when we were fortunately informed that “ agreeing with Mr Du Ponceau (the author under review) respecting the existence of an American Common Law, independent of that of England; we are induced to give it an origin somewhat beyond the breaking out of the revolution,” whereas Mr Du Ponceau states its origin to be at that time. This opinion however, though it is most unquestionably correct, and is fairly deduced at the end of the forty pages, is so much qualified afterwards that we are not quite certain it was intended to be advanced; and we are sure, if it was, that Mr Du Ponceau can take no offence after so many apologies. The writer of this article shows more patience in research, than power to reduce to form and clearly to state the results of his inquiries. He wants the acuteness and grasp of mind, which would enable him to seize upon the prominent facts of his subject only, to deduce from them the general principles to be inculcated, and then to set those principles forth in bold and strong relier, leaving his readers to reflect upon them. As to matter and arrangement, he says so much, and in such a confused manner, that he leaves no distinct and definite ideas upon his subject in the minds of his readers. As to style, he shows a playful imagination, and seems always to have an abundance of good words; but the construction of his sentences somehow forcibly reminds us of a nest of boxes.
A sbort article on " European Politics” is very eloquent, but the writer must be a very intrepid political prophet, to foretell so much, and such speedy trouble for the different nations of Europe, and particularly England.
The next article, on Colombia, contains much valuable information upon the state of that country. “ The present government of Colombia is founded on principles, nearly resembling those of our own con. stitution It is a representative system, having a Congress of two Houses, and an elective President. It differs in two important respects from the fundamental principles of the constitution of the United States ; the first is in regard to the mode of elections, and the second in the departments, or what we call the states. The right of suffrage is somewhat curtailed, by making it necessary for every voter to possess a small amount of property, or to exercise some trade or liberal profession. The people do not vote in the first instance for representatives, but for electors, by whom the senators and representatives are chosen. By a law of Congress passed June 25th, 1824, the Republic is divided into 12 departments, embracing 37 provinces, and 230 cantons. These cantons are further subdivided into parishes, each of which bolds what is called a parochial assembly on a stated day, once in four years, and at these assemblies the electors are chosen by the persons duly qualified to be voters. A representative to Congress is assigned to a population of 30,000, and also each province is entitled to another representative, when there is a fraction of more than 15,000. The number of electors for each representative is 10, and if the population of the Republic be taken at 2,600,000, wbich is thought a fair estimate, the whole number of electors will not be less than 860. The number of representatives would accordingly be 86. But in fact both the electors and representatives exceed these numbers, because in case of an additional representative for a fraction, there is a full number of electors, for each fraction, although a less amount of population. On this new division of the Republic, it is supposed the number of representatives will be 95. The senate is established by the constitution to consist of 4 senators from each department, making 48 in the whole. These electors meet once in four years, in the capitals of their respective provinces, and execute the very im. portant duty of choosing on the same day, the President of the Republic, the Vice President, the Senators, and Representatives. The votes are sent up to the Congress, where they are scrutinized in the manner pointed out by the Constitution. The President and Vice President, are elected for four years, and no person can be chosen president more than twice in succession. The representatives are chosen for four years, and the senators for eight. The term of office for one half of the Senate expires at the end of every fourth year, so that only two senators from each department are chosen at the periodical elections.”
Besides much such information as this, the article is enlivened-a strange sort of contrast—with many curious anecdotes and pretty stories, proper to be quoted into newspapers ; one of which, an ingenious manner of catching ducks, taken principally from Buffon, we recommend as peculiarly appropriate for this purpose.
Upon the subject of “Major Long's Second Expedition,” which constitutes the eighth article, we have expressed our opinions in the last volume of our work, and are glad to have our confidence in them strengthened by such good authority.
The next article, on “Da Ponte's Observations,” is the last part of a controversy, and as we do not know what the other party has previously said upon the subject, we cannot say which has the best of it. The article evinces a familiar acquaintance of the writer with the commentaries upon Italian literature, and is written in a chaste and elegant style.
The last article is a review of “ Brainard's Poems,” which we noticed in a late number of this Gazette.
Among the CRITICAL NOTICES, which by the way we consider as a sort of stern chaser, several pamphlets and small books are reprinted in