may be people to whose tempers and dispositions, contention is pleasing, and who, therefore, wish a continuance of confusion; but to me, it is of all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second, a return of the happy period, when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the public stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease and tranquillity, banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes in the world. Perhaps, (for the latter adds considerably to the warmth of the former wish,) looking with fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what purpose, I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This, you can inform them, of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative to America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded, this would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in parliament who are called friends to America, seem to know nothing of our real determinations. I observe, they pronounced in the last parliament, that the Congress of 1774, did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in reserve, to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up every thing but the article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the assertion. Their continuance in this error may perhaps produce very ill consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts of parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity to render these, at

some future time, as easy to America, as the interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most potent nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign aid, which perhaps may not be obtainable, but on condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be thought a hard condition to those who still wish for reunion with their parent country. I am sincerely one of those; and would rather be in dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any nation upon earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislating for us, assumed by the British parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.

'If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his disposition, it will perhaps be in your power, by assisting to do this, to render service to the whole empire at the most critical time, certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original station in the political scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I expect, to communicate some things, consistently with your honor and the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication among individuals may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties. On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their

credibility; if I hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative points, you can only know they are my opinions. My best wishes for your felicity attend you wherever you go; and believe me to be, assuredly, your friend and servant.'

*

*

'Philadelphia, Nov. 29, 1775. Dear Sir, * * It is an immense misfortune to the whole empire, to have a King of such a disposition at such a time. We are told, and every thing proves it true, that he is the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies me, that ignorance or wickedness somewhere, controls him. In an earlier part of this contest, our petitions told him, that from our King there was but one appeal. The admonition was despised, and that appeal forced on us. To undo his empire, he has but one truth more to learn: that, after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one step more they can take. That step is now pressed upon us by the measures adopted, as if they were afraid we would not take it. Believe me, dear Sir, there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. But, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a separation. It is will alone which is wanting; and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our King. One bloody campaign will probably decide everlastingly our future course; I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds and waters should not combine to rescue their shores from slavery, and General Howe's reinforcement should arrive in safety, we have hopes he will be inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we must drub him soundly, before the sceptred tyrant will know we are not mere brutes, to crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod with which he deigns to scourge us. Yours,' &c.

Mr Jefferson was re-elected to Congress in August, 1775, and again in June, '76; continuing a member of

that body, without intermission, until he resigned his seat in September, '76.

During his absence however, at Philadelphia, he was not inattentive to the affairs of his native state. He maintained a constant correspondence with the patriot leaders in that province, particularly Mr Wythe, and stimulated them, if any stimulus was wanting, to the strongest measures of political enfranchisement. Having headed the principal movements of a civil character in Virginia, he exercised a preponderating influence in her councils.

The dissolution of the regal, and substitution of the popular administration in Virginia, was unattended by a single convulsion. But as yet, no settled form of government had been established. There was no constitution, and no distinct executive head. The legislative, judiciary, and executive functions were all lodged in one body- the colonial convention. This was the grand depository of the whole political power of the province. Although confined to his station in congress and oppressed with the cares of the general administration, Mr Jefferson could not overlook in silence, the dangers to be apprehended from so jarring a combination of fundamental powers in the political establishment of Virginia; and he exerted his influence to procure a more perfect organization, at the meeting of the next convention.

The Convention assembled at Williamsburg on the 6th of May, 1776, when the vices of the existing system were removed by the adoption of a DECLARATION OF RIGHTS and a CONSTITUTION, which have continued without alteration from that day until the convention of 1829.

The subject was brought forward on the 15th of May, by colonel Archibald Cary, who moved the appointment of a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and plan of government, to maintain peace and order in the colony, and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people.' Whereupon a committee of

thirty-four persons was appointed, consisting of the wisest heads and firmest hearts of Virginia; of whom, that veteran republican, George Mason, was one.

The question now arises, which has been so often agitated-What particular agency, if any, had Mr Jefferson in the formation of the Virginia Constitution? He was distant from the scene of the Convention, and immersed in the complicated duties of his official station. This question has within a few years been put to rest by Mr Girardin, in his Continuation of Burke's History of Virginia. This gentleman had free access to Mr Jefferson's papers while compiling his history, and has presented the matter in a clear light.

It appears that the entire Preamble, and some portions of the body of the instrument, are the production of Mr Jefferson; but the bulk of the constitution, including the Declaration of Rights, is the work of George Mason. Eager in the great work of political reformation, the former had composed at Philadelphia, and transmitted to his friend Mr Wythe, the draught of an entire plan of government, comprehending a preamble, declaration of rights, and constitution. But his plan was not received until a previous one had gone through a committee of the whole, and been submitted to the convention for their final sanction. It was then too late to adopt it entire. Mr Jefferson's valuable communication,' says Mr Girardin, reached the convention just at the moment when the plan originally drawn up by colonel George Mason, and afterwards discussed and amended, was to receive the final sanction of that venerable body. It was now too late to retrace previous steps; the session had already been uncommonly laborious; and considerations of personal delicacy hindered those, to whom Mr Jefferson's ideas were imparted, from proposing or urging new alterations. Two or three parts of his plan, and the whole of his preamble, however, were adopted; and to this circumstance must be ascribed the strong