natural judgment is surrendered to mere words, producing prejudices and false associations which tinge our feelings and opinions during our whole lives. It may be added, that the moral sense runs some risk of being perverted by the manner in which we misapply habitually and by prescriptive custom certain epithets. For why, it may be asked, are victories always glorious, always splendid? Why must our sympathies be always enlisted on the side of successful ambition? Why must criminal or all-grasping power be ever exhibited under an aspect of greatness, when surely there is a reverse of the impression producing a far deeper and more useful lesson? Why (and this is a most serious evil,) should the young, the pure, the feminine mind, just expanding to the sense of truth and beauty and goodness, be early polluted by relations of profligacy and cruelty, horrible and physical tortures, such as are too fully and grossly detailed in some of our most esteemed histories? If under the idea of inspiring a just horror for these things, it is as if we should teach our children humanity by intro

ducing them into the shambles. Instances might be given of the painful and injurious effect produced on youthful and feeling minds by certain passages of history, stronger, more lasting, and far more baneful than by any absurd romance or fairy-tale, or any of the banished superstitions and goblins of the nursery. These reflections may seem beside the present subject, and would lead us too far. It would be presumption to say that in this little work I have been able to avoid entirely the objections to which I have alluded; but, at least, those great moral truths which are based on our religion as Christians, and lead to our best views of duty and happiness, are not lost sight of and in estimating the characters and events which are here rapidly portrayed rather than narrated, I do not wish to dictate opinions, but by enabling the young reader of history to recall and arrange previous impressions, to afford some new materials for thought and comparison.

There may be a difference of opinion as to whether women ought, or ought not, to be entrusted with the executive government of a country;

but if, in a very complicated and artificial system of society, the rule of a woman be tolerated or legalized as a necessary evil, for the purpose of avoiding worse evils arising from a disputed succession and civil commotions,-then it remains a question how far the feminine character may be so modified by education, as to render its inseparable defects as little injurious to society, and its peculiar virtues as little hurtful to herself, as possible. Women, in possession of power, are so sensible of their inherent weakness, that they are always in extremes. Hence, among the most arbitrary governments recorded are those of women. They substitute for the dominion of that superior strength, mental and physical, which belongs to the other sex, and with which should restall lawful rule and right supremacy," the mere force of will; and call that power which is founded in weakness. Christina of Sweden has left a memorable sentence under her own royal hand, which may serve as a commentary on the threadbare adage, "when women reign, men govern." Thus she writes-for it is but just

to give her own words:

·

"Quand j'étais en mon

royaume, j'avais nombre de conseillers et de ministres, que je consultais tous, et dont j'entendais les avis: mais moi seule je pris les résolutions de moi-même à ma façon, tant dans les grandes choses que dans les moindres affaires; et je ne requérais autre chose de mes serviteurs et ministres qu'une aveugle obéissance, avec laquelle ils executaient mes décrets sans replique. J'étais seule la maîtresse absolue, et je voulais l'être, et je savais l'être par la grace de Dieu. L'Empereur, la Suède, et tout le monde savent tout cela. Il est vrai, qu'à l'heure qu'il est, j'ai changé de fortune, mais pas de sentiment. fais à present en petit, ce que je faisais alors en grand;"* &c.

Je

Ludicrous as this may sound in so many words, we have here the true feminine idea of empire,— viz. the privilege of saying je le veux: and, however modified by the character of the individual,—

* Letter to Bonvisi, the Apostolic Nuncio at Vienna, in 1677. (V. Correspondence de Christine.) The constitution of Sweden at the time of Christina's accession was that of a free state, or limited monarchy.

however dissembled-for all had not the frank audacity of Christina, we may trace the same feeling, the same principle of action, in every woman who has either inherited power, or atchieved political greatness; and not more in the acute Elizabeth, and the haughty energetic Catherine, than in the stupid, heartless Anne, and the amiable Maria-Theresa.

On the whole, it seems indisputable that the experiments hitherto made, in the way of female government, have been signally unfortunate; and that women called to empire have been, in most cases, conspicuously unhappy or criminal. So that, were we to judge by the past, it might be decided at once, that the power which belongs to us, as a sex, is not properly, or naturally, that of the sceptre or the sword.