of this has been found than is to be seen in the sturdy but unsuccessful fight that was made on behalf of the proposed reforms. But Taylor's role in "high politics" was not yet played out. Having done so much to raise his friend, Monroe, to his exalted station, he now essayed to bring Virginia's influence to bear on behalf of one of the many candidates for the successorship. Failing to see Monroe at the adjournment of Congress in March he wrote him a long letter late in April1 proposing to start an agitation on behalf of John C. Calhoun, the Secretary of War, and in case of disapproval on the part of the President he would take up John Quincy Adams. He hopes Monroe will mention his plan to Jefferson and Madison, and that the delegates in the next Virginia Assembly from Albemarle will introduce a resolution favorable to his plan. This would serve to advertise Jefferson s preference and also to destroy Crawford, who had the ascendency. With Jefferson and the other members of the "Virginia dynasty," he thought General Jackson a dangerous man.2 That Calhoun himself knew of Taylor's plan to defeat Crawford in Virginia and start the movement for himself, can hardly be doubted. Calhoun's visit to Taylor a short while previous to the date of this letter goes far to dissipate such a doubt.3 However, Taylor was not certain of Monroe's attitude and he was not unwilling to bring forward the Massachusetts man if the administration so desired. But it was all contingent on the approval of the great trio. "If your three opinions should concur with mine, I will pay my mite towards opening a discussion, so as not to bring myself or anyone else into view. Should the representatives of Albemarle correspond in these ideas, they would have great weight 1To James Monroe, April 29, 1823. 2Jefferson's Writings, X. 331. зNote first paragraph of the letter, as printed in these Papers. in the assembly, if a discussion takes place during the summer. Could I have the pleasure of seeing you at my house, or of meeting you at Fredericksburg, other considerations might be added to those I have expressed. But having said enough to explain myself, it only remains to add, that I am, yours with great respect and regard-John Taylor." This was a characteristic piece of political planning. The chasm-wide difference of opinion between the author of "New Views" and the South Carolina leader was disposed of with ease. Perhaps the general dislike of Jackson in Virginia aided the process of reconciliation with such a latitudinarian as Calhoun. Even stranger bed-fellows than these have been known to American politics. However, there is no evidence that the plan was seriously considered by any member of the "Virginia dynasty." Monroe persisted in his policy of "hands off" in the friendly contest for the Republican nomination. Virginia supported Crawford staunchly in the next Assembly and did more than any other state on behalf of that able politician. Taylor's service in the next Congress was not conspicuous, his health being exceedingly precarious during many years before his death. He died August 21st, 1823, at his home near Port Royal, Caroline county, whose most distinguished son he was with the possible exception of his uncle, Edmund Pendleton. The country was so intensely absorbed in the game of presidentmaking, or in the fitting entertainment of her distinguished guest, the aged La Fayette, that not three inches of space in any Virginia newspaper was given to a notice of the life and service of the great Revolutionary leader and incomparable states rights theorist. The Richmond Enquirer said, A great man has fallen in Israel. Let Virginia weep over the ashes of the illustrious Patriot." WILLIAM E. DODD. COUNTY, VIRGINIA Dr. Sir JOHN TAYLOR TO JAMES MADISON. Caroline, May 11, 1793. By Colo. Monroe an opportunity occuring, I take it to inform you, that I have not been idle since my return. Upon reflection, it seemed to me, that at the next session of Congress, and at its very commencement, a direct, firm and resolute attack should be made upon the bank law. The newspapers are improper channels through which to make a considerable impression on the public mind, because they are a species of ephemera, and because the printers are not orthodox in general as to politicks. Hence a pamphlet appeared most advisable, and I have written, in length sufficient for a pamphlet. If its merit is counted by its pages, it is not deficient, but whether it possesses any other species of worth, myself, you know cannot judge. So soon then as I could transcribe it, I purposed to forward it to you, that a determination might be had, whether it ought to be comited to the flames or the press. Having no motive but the public good, there is not that kind of paternal sensibility about me, which sometimes attaches us even to deformity. Therefore when you see the work, freely correct, censure or condemn, without supposing it possible that the burning a few sheets of paper will effect me. Could you not spare time to see us in this neighborhood. Mr. Pendleton1 was but two days ago expressing his wish with anxiety, that your father, old Mr: Taylor and yourself would come and take pot luck with us this Spring? But this work. If it is worth any thing, I have shot my bolt, 1 Edmund Pendleton, Taylor's uncle and guardian in youth. * and therefore I may justly, and beneficially give place to some other person, who is full charged. If it is worth nothing, then it proves that I ought to make place for another, who may do some good, in the good cause. Either way the public will be served by my withdrawing from its service. Hawkins1 was here a day or two, with Macon and Giles. He appeared to strive to arrange himself right. A gentleman who knew him better than I do, informed me, that the most likely thing to fix him, would be a letter from you. Something in a kind of friendly stile. And having three or four pointed sentences against the bank law, and expressing a necessity for its repeal. His situation in his state is a little awkward, & he will probably strive to put it to rights. To help him along, he would show your letter, and if you make a Carthago est deleta business of the bank law, he would get so far enlisted in the idea, among his countrymen, that he could not retract. When your letter was seen, the reader would take up the idea, and gore Hawkins upon the subject. I cannot say more here, and perhaps I ought to apologise for having said so much on such a subject. Dear Sir JOHN TAYLOR TO JAMES MADISON. Caroline June 20. 1793. In coming from Philadelphia, alone, and meditative, after Congress had risen, the occurrences which had trodden on each others heels, in too rapid succession for much reflection during the session, began to pass muster in my mind, and to piece themselves together, so as to exhibit an unity of design. Connecting these with several important laws of the union, a variety of fantasies were engendered between them, some of which, like youth1 Benjamin Hawkins, of North Carolina, United States Senator and later Indian agent in Georgia. ful dreams, made such an impression on me, that I have employed the few intervals of leisure which have occurred, in writing them down. And they are now presented to you. Several ideas and arguments, which I thought it advisable to impress, are repeated. The impropriety of repetitions was not forgotten., but it was remembered that the performance was pro tempora-Oh tempora! The plagiarisms are few, and chiefly from myself. There is neither title or dedication. When the work was finished, I felt myself ready to exclaim, as Quin did on seeing a person ridiculously attired "Angels & ministers of grace defend us! "Thou comest in such a questionable shape, "That I will speak to thee. I'll call thee "By G-d I don't know what to call thee. Some of my friends must therefore stand godfather to the brat, and baptize it, either with the holy ghost-or with fire. And if Brutus could surmount a natural affection for his offspring of flesh and blood, so as calmly to behold the axe do its office, when the good of the commonwealth required it; doubt not but that my amor patriæ, can in humble imitation of his example, attain apathy enough towards mine of ink and paper, to bear with great composure its contorsions in the flames. Having no private object in view, and knowing how much better you can judge of the publick good-besides you are impartial-I pray you to arrest without reserve this mischief-if it be a mischief. In this event the only reprieve I will ask for it, is, that you will return to me, to undergo perpetual imprisonment, by way of refining upon its punishment. |