fourth' on the

Fifth " he had an

nounced by telegraph to Fletcher Harper, in the characteristic and joyous manner which remained with him to the end. Less than thirty-two years old, with health, fame, an ideal householdwith long years of prosperity almost certainly assuredtruly fortune had smiled upon the young artist who had begun with the beeswax soldiers in the dim old barracks of Landau.

GIANT THIEF

In the midst of the fierce campaign against Tweed and his fellows, the cartoonist had somewhat neglected those who, clamoring for reform of another sort, found their interest and pleasure in decrying the administration and personality of General Grant. Now that the Ring was in flight, he began to give attention to such individuals and party elements as were assailing the hero of Donelson, Vicksburg and Appomattox Court House. Being a presidential year, national affairs were of first importance. Besides the natural enemies of the Republican

party, there had developed a formidable opposition in its own. ranks. In New York City, the Sun had long been printing a daily double-column headed "Useful Horace Greeley "" and "Useless S. Grant." The Post and the Herald criticised or denounced the Administration. The Tribune, which only a little time before had declared that Grant was the logical candidate, better fitted for the presidency in 1872 than he had been in 1868, now united in the outcry against him, asserting that there were at least half a dozen better candidates, of which galaxy Mr. Greeley perhaps believed himself to be the bright particular star. At Washington the anti-Grant faction consisted of a group of Republican senators, led by Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, and including such men as Carl Schurz, of Missouri; Reuben E. Fenton, of New York; Thomas W. Tipton, of Nebraska, Lyman Trumbull and-though somewhat less prominently-John A. Logan, of Illinois. A curious cabal it was, whose able members had submerged the various questions upon which they differed, to unite on the single

A

"STONE WALLS DO NOT A PRISON MAKE."-Old Song,

"No PRISON IS BIG ENOUGH TO HOLD THE Boss." IN ON ONE SIDE, AND OUT AT THE OTHER

PROPHECY

VERIFIED

issue and in the hostile battle-cry, " Anything to beat Grant! " The causes which had led to this defection were, in the main, a personal opposition to the President's foreign policy and to his distribution of political patronage. Party leaders, failing to obtain profitable offices for their chief constituents, were loud in their outcries of "corruption " at every reported irregularity, and eager in their demands for a civil service reform. It was inevitable under the prevailing custom that many offices

For

should be filled by unworthy can-
didates unduly recommended,
and the President had made some
unfortunate appointments.
this he was now held personally
responsible, and when frauds
developed here and there, as they
have in every administration
since the formation of the Re-
public, Grant was charged as be-
ing directly to blame if not actu-
ally a participant in the profits of
dishonesty.

That Charles Sumner, with a noble record behind him, should have been a leader in this ignoble warfare upon America's great

est soldier and one of her most honored Presidents, is not now a pleasant recollection for those who would revere that great statesman as the embodiment of all that is unselfish, high-principled and splendid-the Bayard of politics, the Chesterfield of debate. It was in 1856 that Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, incensed at Sumner's arraignment of slavery, struck him down at his desk with a gutta-percha cane. Neither then nor afterward did the Massachusetts statesman ever make any retaliation, and when, after a long illness, he returned once more to his accustomed place he was welcomed as a martyr and honored as a demi-god. It has been said that from the blow of "Bully" Brooks he never fully recovered, and perhaps we may accept this as an excuse for the fierce intolerance and personal vindictiveness of his closing days.

Sumner was a man of debate and oratory-a chevalier of fiercely passionate eloquence and finely rounded periods. Grant

was a soldier-a man of deeds-with words few and simple. Sumner was splendid in physique and bearing. Grant was small, unpretentious, almost uncouth. Sumner was willing to honor Grant as a soldier and a hero, but the man from Galena must have been weighed and found lacking in much that the Massachusetts senator would have deemed gratifying in the nation's Chief Magistrate. As Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, Sumner resented the military simplicity and policy of his little commander, and was likely to appear condescending in their enforced intercourse. On the other hand, Grant was altogether willing to pay tribute to Sumner's superior culture and experience, and to accord deference to his desires.

It was this inclination on the part of the President that led to the break in their friendly relations. Grant's West India policy tended to the annexation of San Domingo, and in January, 1870, he had called one evening at Sumner's house to discuss the question and secure coöperation. The Senator was at dinner and perhaps did not wish to be disturbed during that function. Furthermore, though favoring, himself, the annexation of Canada, he vigorously opposed, as coming from the President, any annexation in the direction of the West Indies. He afterwards avowed that the President had come to him under the influence of liquor. Whatever may have been the details of the meeting, it is recorded that from that night Sumner became the bitter personal opponent of Grant-decrying in public, and to any one who would listen, not only the administration but the character of Grant in the most violent and opprobrious terms.

Those who knew and loved him best were amazed at his behavior. One of them, R. H. Dana, wrote:

.. If I could

Sumner has been acting like a madman. hear that he was out of his head from opium, or even New England rum, not indicating a habit, I should be relieved. Mason,

Davis and Slidell were never so insolent and overbearing as he was, and his arguments, his answers of questions, were boyish or crazy, I don't know which.

If Charles Sumner's mind was clear at this period, it is not easy to apologize for his demeanor. Openly and abusively hostile, both to the administration and the President, he might with perfectly good taste have resigned his post of honor instead of using it to impede legislation and to delay the Alabama adjustment, then for the first time made possible.

For England, who had permitted Confederate privateers to be constructed in Brit

ish waters and to sail through British statutes to destroy American shipping, had long since realized that she had established a dangerous precedent which might be followed to her own vast undoing. She had made for herself a bed not conducive to repose, especially after Grant's declaration, in his annual message, 1871, that "Our firm and unalterable convictions are just the reverse" (of those of

THE JOINT HICH COMMISSION.
PEACE TO JUSTICE: "AFTER YOU, MADAME