dead bulls, with the face of "Old Trinity "grimly regarding the scene of slaughter. It would seem now that this particular phase of plunder might have been entitled to further pictorial notice; instead of which," Sectarianism in the Public Schools " and Chinese Exclusion "-measures to which Nast was always bitterly opposed-claimed his attention.

66

But in the light of later events the most notable cartoons of 1869 were two caricature drawings in which appear portraits of "Boss" Tweed. The first of these was published on September 11, 1869, to commemorate certain resolutions charging August Belmont with party misfor

tunes and shortcomings. It was a small picture-a cloud no bigger than a man's hand -in which Belmont is depicted as the Democratic scapegoat, while Tweed holds the chair of presiding officer. The second Tweed picture is entitled "The Economical Council,

at

"WHAT A FALL WAS THERE, MY COUNTRYMEN!" (The wreck in Wall Street after Black Friday, September 24, 1869)

at Albany, New York," and comes at the end of the year. Governor Hoffman as high-priest sits on a dais with Peter B. Sweeny at his right hand. Facing them are the faithful cohorts of high taxes and plunder-conspicuously among them appearing A. Oakey Hall, Richard B. Connolly and William M. Tweed. On Tweed's mitred headgear appear the words "Big Six" and the Tigerhead emblem. The members of the famous ring were assembled, at last. Not conspicuously and apart, as they were to appear later, but simply as integers of a powerful and corrupt political combination which Thomas Nast and his paper were first to denounce and assail.

Nast's inherent loathing for anything that resembled a combination for the purpose of unfair advantage is shown in his own retirement from the savings bank board of trustees, because that institution had voted salaries to himself and other inactive officers out of the bank funds. In his resignation he said: "I have always understood that this was a charitable institution and that the trustees willingly gave their service gratui

pockets. Therefore, not caring to belong to a Savings Bank Ring,' I tender my resignation, which shall be accepted."

6

A combination for looting the public treasury, however powerful might be its members, or whatever pressure might be brought to bear, could expect little in the way of mercy from the hand which had written that letter. In their ignorance or arrogance it may be that the "Ring" did not give much heed to a picture paper. Yet they must have known of the punishment of Johnson and of Seymour-who were as crucified martyrs beside these soulless freebooters-and it is likely that the cartoon of December 25th did not escape the notice of Tammany Hall. Perhaps if Tweed and Company's attention had been called to that communication, and if in the light of its meaning they had considered those few early cartoons, they might have read in these hints and signs the gradual gathering of a storm that would not "blow over."

PART THREE: THE REFORMER

CHAPTER XIX

THE RING

THE RING IN ITS GLORY

William Marcy Tweed, alias "Big Bill," or "The
Boss."

Peter Barr Sweeny, also called " Brains "and, dis-
respectfully, Pete."

Richard B. Connolly, known almost from childhood as Slippery Dick."

66

A. Oakey Hall, often, by himself, written "O. K.
Hall "; and by Nast, " O. K. Haul.”

With the beginning of the year 1870, the government of the City of New York was wholly in the hands of the four men whose names and aliases are bracketed above. Their reign was as absolute as if they owned every street, public building and park of the city, with most of the inhabitants, body and soul.

They did, as a matter of fact, own or control every public office in New York City, and a working majority in the State Legislature, while the Tammany governor, John T. Hoffman, was a mere figure-head, elected and directed by the Ring.

Nor did the baleful influence of corruption end with State and city officials. Bondholders, contractors, merchants, artisans— even ministers of the gospel and philanthropists-were hoodwinked, intimidated or subsidized into aiding those gigantic pilferings which in a period of less than thirty months defrauded the City of New York of a round thirty millions of dollars,

emptied the treasury and added more than fifty millions to the public debt which, in the form of taxation, we and the generations to follow must pay.

Considered in retrospect it would seem that one-half of the city had combined in a vast alliance to plunder the other half, with Tweed, Sweeny, Connolly and Hall as captains of the enterprise.

It is difficult to understand the moral and patriotic impulses

of a community in which such a condition could endure. It would almost seem that some dire influence of the planets was operating upon the lives and minds of those who, under normal conditions, would be expected to represent and to preserve the city's moral, political and financial integrity. As an example of the Ring's supremacy, one has but to refer to the files of that period to learn that, for a time, the great majority of the metropolitan daily press was frankly for the municipal government, while the remainder-to pervert an old line-praised it with faint condemnation, or remained silent, when silence was itself akin to crime.

THOMAS NAST, 1871

It seems hardly necessary to add that the great journals which survive have changed completely, not only in their management and personnel, but most of them in politics and ownership, since that unhappy period. It is not conceivable that any respectable metropolitan paper of to-day could be bought or bulldozed, or would knowingly become a sharer in city plunder, or in any act or word abet a band of public thieves. It has been said of our press that it is less individual and less vigorous than in those