objectionable enactments, the Scottish canons contained an absurdity peculiar to themselves, and especially grievous to the church-they gave an unqualified sanction to the service-book, which was not completed, nor published for above a year afterwards. The second canon excommunicated those "who should affirm that the worship prescribed in the forthcoming book of Common-prayer and administration of the sacraments contained any thing that was repugnant to the Scriptures, or that was corrupt, superstitious, or unlawful in the service and worship of God." By the fifth, every pres

after presented him to the living of Gouran, in the county of Kilkenny. In a letter to Laud, dated April 1638, Croxton, as a "cause most acceptable," thus informs his patron of his proceedings. "To provide the best I could for the more worthy receiving of the holy communion this last Easter, I have (I thanke God for it) beene able in some measure, to do that here, which able men have sufficiently spoken of elsewhere; I have sacramentally heard the confessions of the people committed to my charge in Goran (a certaine throughfare towne in the county of Kilkenye) in the chancell, they kneeling before the altar." Prynne's Cant. Doom. p. 195. This procedure, Croxton himself owns, was “counted a most strange act, without all warrant." Wentworth, however, justified it; "It is very truth, there is something further touching confession in these canons, than are in those of England, and in my poor judgment, much to the better." And Laud observes, in reply, "the Irish canon in that particular is much better than ours; and that which he [ Croxton] hath done is, for ought I know, according to it." Straff. Lett. ii. 195. 212. In the Scottish, the last of the series of national, canons, the popish tenets of confession and absolution are less covertly inculcated. The following is a copy of the Scottish canon on this topic, extracted from Wharton's Troubles and Trial of Laud, p. 107. "Canon 9. chap. 18. Albeit sacramental confession and absolution have been in some places very much abused; yet if any of the people be grieved in mind for any delict or offence committed, and for the unburdening of his conscience, confess the same to the bishop or presbyter; they shall, as they are bound, minister to the person so confessing, all spiritual consolations out of the word of God; and shall not deny him the benefit of absolution, after the manner which is prescribed in the visitation of the sick, if the party shew himself truly penitent, and humbly desire to be absolved. And he shall not make known or reveal what hath been opened to him in confession, or to any person whatsoever; except the crime be such, as by the laws of the realm, his own life may be called in question for concealing the same."

byter was bound "to read, or cause divine service to be done according to the form of the book of Scottish Common-prayer before all sermon; and that he should officiate by the said book in all the offices, parts, and rubrics thereof." And by the fifteenth, "no presbyter or reader was permitted to pray extempore, or use any other form in the public service than that prescribed, under the penalty of deprivation." The book concluded with decreeing, "that no person should be admitted to holy orders, nor suffered to preach, catechise, administer the sacraments, or perform any other ecclesiastical function, without first subscribing these canons." Thus were the Scottish clergy, by a most absurd and unprecedented tyranny, compelled to declare their unconditional approbation of an unpublished liturgy, which they had no opportunity of perusing!

The dissatisfaction created by the publication of the canons became more deep and general, when, in the following year, the long-expected liturgy appeared. On examination, it was found to be a transcript of the English service-book, with several important alterations; all of which brought the prescribed worship into still closer conformity to the Romish ritual. These deviations from the English liturgy comprised a benediction or thanksgiving for departed saints, of whom a large number, connected with Scotland, was added to the popish saints of the British calendar. Various transpositions and alterations were introduced into the communion service, which countenanced the doctrine of the real presence of Christ in that ordinance; and the rubric enjoined the officiating minister to stand like the Romish priests, with his back to the congregation, and his arms extended, as if for elevating and adoring the consecrated elements. The sign of the cross was used in baptism, and the water in the font was changed and consecrated twice each month. Additional lessons from the Apocrypha were appointed to be read in public; the use of the ring was enjoined in marriage; and various rubrics were inserted to direct the people in the several gestures of bowing,

standing, sitting, and kneeling; due accuracy in these matters being deemed indispensable to the canonical celebration of divine worship.(26)

Much as the people of Scotland would have disrelished the English liturgy, had it been proposed to them, they were still less prepared to adopt that, now not merely offered, but summarily imposed upon them by a royal proclamation, without either the approbation of a parliament, or the sanction of a general assembly. (27) From its obvious and ill-judged assimilation to the Romish ritual, it was believed to be no more than a translation of the mass; while from the arbitrary manner in which it was introduced, it was justly considered to be alike subversive of the rights, as of the religion, of the nation. No wonder then that all ranks cordially united in opposing it; and when, in the month of July 1637, it was, for the first time, used in the celebration of divine worship at Edinburgh, a tumult arose in the church, the service was violently interrupted, and the officiating prelates were with difficulty preserved from the fury of the incensed multitude.(28) The

26 Collier, Ecc. Hist. ii. 768, 9. Neal, ii. 271. Bramhall, in a letter to Spottiswoode, archbishop of St. Andrews, thus congratulates him on the superiority of the Scottish liturgy, over that of his own church ;-“ I humbly thank your grace for your high favour, the book of Commonprayer glad I was to see it; and more glad to see it such as it is, to be envied in some things, perhaps, if one owned." Rawd. Papers, p. 40, This letter is dated on the 13th of August, and it is singular that Bramhall, at Derry, had not then heard of the riot at Edinburgh, mentioned in the text, which had occurred on the 23d of July, three weeks before he wrote: so slow was the transmission of intelligence in those days.

27 It is worthy of notice, that even in Oxford, influenced and ruled as it was by its chancellor Laud, the alterations in the Scottish liturgy were not popular. One of Wentworth's news-mongers at the English court, in July 1638, informs him, among other articles of intelligence; "They grow foolish at Oxford, for they had a question about the legality of ship-money; as also, whether the addita and alterata in the Scottish liturgy, did give just cause of scandal: but my Lord's grace of Canterbury hearing of it, forbad them such questions." Straff. Lett. ii. 181.

28 This riot, so memorable on account of its momentous results, was commenced, it is alleged, by an old woman, called Janet Geddes, flinging

ministers and people, supported by nearly all the nobility of Scotland, found it necessary to unite more closely to defeat the religious innovations of Charles, and to secure themselves against his indignation at their successful opposition to his plans. Deputies from the several parts of the kingdom, and from the various classes of society, assembled at Edinburgh. For their mutual protection and encouragement, they resolved to renew the National Covenant, in which they made a full profession of the reformed faith, abjured the errors of popery, and bound themselves by an oath to defend each other in resisting the recent impositions, on both their civil and religious rights, and to "support the king in the preservation of religion, liberty and law." This covenant was solemnly renewed at Edinburgh, for the third time since the Reformation, on the first day of March 1638.(29) In the course of two months, it was subscribed by all ranks, throughout nearly the entire kingdom, with the utmost alacrity and joy.

These vigorous and well-concerted measures were followed by a general assembly of the church, which Charles, to conciliate the favour of those whom he was not yet able to coerce, permitted to meet at Glasgow in the month of November. It was attended by one hundred and forty ministers, and nearly one hundred elders, as commissioners from the fifty-three presbyteries of which the Scottish church was then compos

the three-legged stool on which she had been sitting at the head of the dean of Edinburgh, with this exclamation,-" Villain! dost thou say mass at my lug?" Balfour, in his "Stonie-Field Day," quoted by Brodie, ii. p. 454, furnishes the following authentic account. "No less worthy of observation is that renouned Christian valyancie of another godly woman of the same season; for when sche hard a young man behind, sounding forth amen to that new composed comedie, sche quickly turned her about, and after sche had warmed both his cheeks with the weight of her hands, sche thus shot against him the thunderbolt of her zeal: 'false thief,' said sche, is there na uther pairt of the churche to sing mess in, but thou must sing it at my luge?""

29 The reader must not confound this National covenant, with the Solemn league and covenant adopted five years afterwards.

ed.(30) The Marquis of Hamilton was the royal commissioner, and the celebrated Alexander Henderson, then minister at Leuchars in Fifeshire, was unanimously elected moderator. Though the commissioner, on the seventh day of meeting, attempted to dissolve the assembly, and actually retired, when he found it was resolved to bring the prelates to a trial; and though the bishops protested against, and formally declined, its jurisdiction; yet the members were not deterred from the firm and faithful performance of the duties incumbent upon them in this critical emergency. They sat for the long period of thirty days, during which they held twenty-six sessions. They abolished prelacy, deposed the bishops, condemned the liturgy and book of canons, and repealed all the obnoxious regulations imposed upon the church since the commencement of the century. They re-established the presbyterian judicatories, and enacted many salutary laws for preserving the independence of the church, securing the purity of the ministerial character, and promoting piety and godliness throughout the land.

The proceedings of this memorable assembly were received by the Scottish nation with enthusiastic delight. But, by Charles and his advisers, they were beheld with such unmeasured indignation, that nothing less than an immediate арpeal to arms was considered sufficient to vindicate his insulted authority. He accordingly prepared to invade his native kingdom. He repaired to York, and, with a considerable force of horse and foot, advanced to the borders. The Scots were not slow to perceive and oppose the hostile designs of the king. They seized the principal fortresses of the kingdom; and marshalling a large army under general Leslie, an experienced soldier, they proceeded to the south, to resist, what had now become, the aggression of a foreign power.

30 Stevenson's Hist. of the Church of Scot. ii. pp. 474-81, where a full list of the Assembly is given.