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of the United States on October 2 last against the lifting of the arms embargo.

That speech, that last will and testament, of Senator BORAH, to us, his fellow countrymen, will be this generation's bulwark, and the bulwark of generations yet unborn, against the entangling alliances of European power politics, if we but "keep faith with BORAH."

And now, before I read from that sacred last will and testament, let me picture for you, as future historians will picture for our X children, the setting in which that document was given to posterity. When Senator BORAH arose to make that momentous, epochmaking speech, there wasn't a single Senator absent from his seat, except those who, the Congressional Record for October 2, 1939, relates, were not in Washington on account of illness or other recorded reason. Eighty-five Senators, including Senator BORAH and the Vice President, were on the floor of the Senate, and the Senate galleries were crowded when the Lion of Idaho began to speak.

Listen to these words of BORAH as he launched with inexorable logic into the inquiry, Who want repeal of the embargo on arms: "We are asked to repeal the law, and why? We are asked to repeal a law which forever prohibits the furnishing of these instrumentalities of human destruction and furnishing them for gain, and why? We are asked to again identify ourselves with the destructive power of the nations of Europe, and why?

"We are here in extraordinary session and in apparent haste asking for repeal.

"Did the cry for repeal originate with, or does it spring from, the people of this country? Did the voice of labor initiate the agitation for repeal? Did the call for the rejection of this policy come from the farm, from the pulpit, from the pew, from the homes of America, from the families of America? Did it come from the young men now on the verge of active life, looking where they can find a profession or a calling? Did they call for it? Whence came the call? It came from the war hounds of Europe. It was originated in the situation in Europe."

My fellow Americans, let us never forget those words of Senator BORAH. They were never successfully challenged during the entire debate on the arms embargo. They portray in a sincerity and integrity and courage of utterance the incontrovertible fact that the cry for repeal came not from the people of America but, as BORAH put it, from the war hounds of Europe.

And what have the war hounds of Europe who cried for repeal and got it; what have they done since repeal?

They have violated American neutrality at every turn. They have stopped and searched our ships on the high seas and taken them into their own ports, confiscating whatever suited their use. They have blockaded our commerce with neutral nations and demanded

that our cargoes to neutrals be inspected in our own ports by their consular agents.

In answer to American protests against these violations of international law they have equivalently declared that England will determine what is and what is not international law as best suits her own convenience or connivance.

In a word, my fellow Americans, the war hounds of Europe who cried for repeal of the arms embargo did it not merely to obtain arms, munitions, and implements of warfare, but, in order to put America in an unneutral position and thereby foment enmity between America and others of the belligerents, in the hope that these belligerents would act in reprisal and thereby force us into the war.

And here we may well ask ourselves the question, paraphrasing as to tense the words of Senator BORAH in his legislative last will and testament of October 2 last, "Wherein has peace been advanced by repealing the embargo? Wherein has humanity been augmented and strengthened by our selling arms to warring nations? Can anyone say or believe that peace could ever be advanced by a neutral nation furnishing arms, munitions, and the instrumentalities of war? Could anyone contend that any principle of humanity or justice would warrant a nation in doing so?"

My fellow Americans, those words of Senator BORAH are already a prophecy come true. The cause of peace was taken from the clean hands of neutral America, when the embargo was repealed, and put into the bloodstained paws of the war hounds of Europe, there to remain-unless an awakened America demands that we "keep faith with BORAH"-until the appetites of these power politics war hounds have been satiated, or until they and their enemies have been suffocated in the surfeit of their civilizationdestroying strife.

Indeed the recent news in our own press is eloquent of the fact that peace has been banished from the vocabulary of the war hounds of Europe.

To the recent plea of the great white shepherd of Christendom, His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, that belligerents should subordinate their particular interests to general interests to bring about peace, England, who in the World War, by the secret Treaty of London, of April 26, 1914, more than two years before the United States was propagandized into that war, England, who secretly agreed in that London Treaty with France and Russia to support Italy, insofar as Italy "does not permit the representatives of the Holy See to take diplomatic action with regard to the conclusion of peace," England, I say, responded to the recent appeal of the Holy Father by inquiring whether the Pope implied any criticism of publicly

expressed Anglo-French war aims, in suggesting that belligerents should subordinate their particular interests to general interests to bring about peace.

Now passing for the moment the hypocrisy of England's publicly expressed "war aims” which call for war to a finish against Hitler, aggression in Poland, and Hitlerism, while they refrain from even declaring war against brutal Russian aggression in both Poland and Finland, and against communism, passing this hypocrisy for the moment, may I quote for you what the Vatican, according to the New York Times of January 17, last Wednesday, is reported to have replied to this British question about implied criticism of publicly expressed Anglo-French war aims:

"The Pope was reported to have replied that the Vatican does not take into account the political interests of any country except in the case of Russia, whose policy the Pontiff reportedly described as contrary to the interests of the church and religion. So far as belligerents are concerned the Pope was said to have told Mr. Osborne (the British Minister to the Vatican) the Vatican continues to maintain normal relations with Germany despite some points of difference."

My fellow Americans, if that report in the New York Times of the British-Vatican conference is accurate, it rather looks as though everybody except unneutral America is alive to the truth of what Senator BORAH said on October 2, last, that this war-England's war aims-bunk to the contrary notwithstanding-is "nothing more than another chapter in the bloody volume of European power politics."

And now, my fellow Americans, may I read for you some more of our heritage under Senator BORAH's legislative last will and testament of October 2 last, and while I read it, won't you repeat with me our pledge, "Keep faith with BORAH":

"For myself, and for myself only, I want to declare I look upon the present war in Europe as nothing more than another chapter in the bloody volume of European power politics, the balance of power which John Bright, the great commoner of England, once declared was the curse of any possible European peace. Yes; it is power politics.

"It is the old question of the balance of power. Was it anything more than the balance of power when the democracies and the dictators of Europe in 'blessed accord' stood over the dismembered body of Czechoslovakia, the only real republic in that portion of the world? Was the cruel and brutal and revolting creed of nazi-ism any different at Munich than it was at Warsaw? Was civilization and democracy any less under challenge when Czechoslovakia fell at the hands of the combined assassins than when

Poland was threatened? Was it anything but power politics when Germany and Great Britain excluded Russia from the Munich conference, but both sought industriously to secure her aid, notwithstanding her creed, in the controversy relative to Poland? When the men at Munich reached the consummation of their awful deed, did they not turn over to the unlimited control and tender mercies thousands of a race whose presence excites the mortal wrath and vengeance of the one to whose control they assigned them? Was that humanity? Was that civilization? Was it saving democracy? Was it saving civilization? No; it was dividing territory. It was power politics. It was imperialism.

"If our boys go to Europe, they will not go to Europe to wipe out nazi-ism; they will go to Europe to adjust territory-to pass upon the question of power; and when war is over that will happen which happened after the World War-the representatives of the European nations will sit down together and, forgetting every principle for which the American boys died, they will pass solely upon the question of power politics.

"Whatever may be the philosophy of nazi-ism, however abhorrent we may write it down, it is not the issue in the conflict, and its cure is not war. It is not an issue which will be settled by this conflict; and I venture to say that the treaty of peace, if it ever comes, will have nothing in it about the ending of nazi-ism or its teachings, or of communism or its teachings, any more than had the agreement at Munich. It will devote itself, as did the Versailles Treaty, to the unquenchable imperialistic appetites of those who sit around the table; and if the American boys take part, they will sacrifice their health and their lives that this or that nation may gratify its desires for territory and for power."

Mothers and fathers of American sons, may I interrupt the reading of this remarkable document to remind you that the words I have just read were uttered only three and a half months ago by one now silent in death, whose funeral will be held on Monday in the very Senate Chamber where he uttered these memorable words, one whom all of America mourns as an honest, fearless, upright champion of the American spirit, one whose knowledge of foreign affairs was second to none in our Nation, one who would not have said those words if he did not know and believe them to be true.

Do you wonder then that I call this great speech of Senator BORAH his last will and testament to the American people? Do you wonder that I plead with you to enshrine his words as a permanent memorial in your hearts and that you write alongside of them the inscription, "Keep faith with BORAH"?

And now, my fellow Americans, may I quote a final passage from that last will and testament of Senator BORAH, a passage which ought to be an eternal warning in the light of all that I have previously quoted, against any and all propaganda that might cause you moral indignation at anything which may happen in this war of power politics, to spoil your intelligence.

Listen, my countrymen, to these solemn and awful words of warning that fell from the lips of Senator BORAH only 31⁄2 months ago: "A few days ago I read the following description of a scene of battle after these instrumentalities (of warfare) had done their work. I

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* A half dozen houses were burning.

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The

the trees. Mules and horses were pawing in their own entrails. whitewashed church was bespattered with blood and brains. Men were running about howling with insanity, their eyes protruding from their sockets. * One woman was sitting against a

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wall trying to push her bleeding intestines back into her abdomen. A man lay nearby digging his teeth and his fingers into the ground. ** A child sat on a doorstep whimperingly holding up the bleeding stumps of its arms to a dead woman whose face was missing. Looking upon a scene such as this," concluded Senator BORAH, "who would undertake to discriminate, to distinguish between the manufacturer of the instruments which could produce such a scene, the purchaser, paper title or no paper titles, and legal technicalities? Let us stay out of this war. It is not our war."

My fellow Americans, I cannot carry on further this afternoon. That awful warning of the horrors of war in the last will and testament of America's greatest apostle of peace shocked me when I first read it, and the more read it and repeat it the more I beg Almighty God to hear the prayers of the fathers and mothers of American sons that peace, peace now, may come to the warring world.

But may I not plead with you, my radio audience, every single one of you, that you join me in a firm determination to "keep faith with BORAH," BORAH the statesman, BORAH the peacemaker, BORAH the lover of mankind, BORAH, of whom I may say as did Rufus Choate on the death of Daniel Webster, "Nothing shall hide his recorded wisdom, his great example, his assured immortality.

"Nothing can cover his fame but heaven;
No pyramids set off his memories

But the eternal substance of his greatness
To which I leave him."

May a just and merciful God grant eternal rest to the soul of America's elder statesman as we stand in spirit this evening at his bier and pledge ourselves to "keep faith with BORAH.”

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