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Perhaps on my tombstone it may be engraved: "He helped BILL BORAH when he needed a friend, and saved from shame an honest man who became a great Senator, for 30 years devoted to the service of his country."

In those early Washington days I used to run around with BORAH and George Norris, also a young Congressman, and Victor Murdock, an oriflammed knight of Wichita, and Albert Beveridge, a dynamitecap of enthusiasm, and Joe Dixon, later Senator from Montana, and Governor there-all left-wing friends of Theodore Roosevelt. BORAH then was tall, say, 5 feet 9 or 10, straight as an arrow, with a large face and a shock of rather coarse black hair. He crowned himself with a white Stetson, a sort of a Rocky Mountain ducal helmet, and I was proud to be seen with him on the streets. He was too good-looking to be true in his middle thirties with exhilarating energy radiating from every inch of his handsome virile body. BORAH'S career as a Senator was unique. He was nominally a Republican, but because in his young manhood he had bolted the party with impunity, party loyalty meant just nothing to him until a few days before election. He wandered all over the political lot in the Senate, paying no attention to Republican caucuses, sometimes not even attending them. He has generally been stronger in the White House than in the Senate. He could do more with most of the seven Presidents he has served under than he could do in Senate committees or on the floor of the House. His oratory influenced few votes directly, but it made public sentiment that influenced many votes. He was strongest on man-to-man talks off the Senate floor.

The President whom he most conspicuously did not get along with was Woodrow Wilson. Woodrow Wilson loved men of soft approach, and when BORAH's bull voice roared across the table at Wilson, Wilson scorned BORAH and yet feared him and would have none of him, right or wrong. The two men were diametrical opposites, born and ordained to hate each other. Wilson was one of the few men whom I have ever heard BORAH cuss out.

Looking back over BORAH'S 30 years' service, it is hard to realize that his name has never been attached to a congressional measure of major importance. He had no capacity for organization. He couldn't do teamwork. Work in senatorial committees irked him. He was no good in a large caucus. He would sit around the conference table for a few minutes, then begin to walk up and down in the room, and finally slip out. He couldn't endure matching minds, making compromises. So his strength was on the floor of the Senate, making speeches or else talking across the table to one man. Always in the 30 years he had served in the Senate he had

a group of followers. But the group changed with the year and the day, and sometimes with the hour. He was unpredictable. He did what he thought was right and never tried to be consistent. He was a great human being-honest to the core, brave and wise, and generally kind. Rarely has he ever spoken bitterly against another Senator or against any man. He had a big heart, with all his leonine external. He knew gratitude and was proud to stand by his friends. He had a decent contempt of the shifting sands of current public opinion. He never stopped to surrender to the moron mob, rich or poor. He had a lively sense of the fickleness of our American voters, and steered his ship craftily amid the treacherous shifting currents of public life for 30 years.

The last time we met for any length of time was at the Landon Republican convention in Cleveland, where I went as an emissary for the small subcommittee on resolutions writing the Republican platform to find out what BORAH wanted and to put it in the platform. In the committee we were agreed that he could have everything except inflation. Landon was for the gold standard, and so was I. But BORAH was against it. I went to his room in midday where he was in bed. He was sheltered by nurses in a darkened room back of a barricade against the army of besieging reporters. He was undressed, wearing a striped gown, but someway it emphasized the gaunt lines of his figure. He sat on a bed, and I sat on the edge of a chair, two old gentlemen-one in the twilight of his last sixties, the other nearing the middle of his seventies. We talked about trivial things for a while, then got down to business, agreed on two or three points; and as I got up to leave he walked along beside me with his arm around my shoulder, and we stood for a moment at the doorway, and he said to me: "Well, good-bye, Will; I'm glad you came"; held my hand affectionately for a moment, and then he smiled that old quizzical smile and said something about the busy years that had passed and the ways we had walked to find ourselves there. And for a moment, clasping hands, we said nothing, and I said, "Funny, isn't it?" And he answered, "It certainly is!" Then we both sighed, and I turned and went to the committee's grind. It was all we could do and all we could say to express the meaning of the strange ways of fate that had kept us together through our long and busy lives, two old, inarticulate gentlemen, who had once walked together tiptoeing along the path of youth with our heads in the stars.

Probably, if one sentence would sum up the service of his career, it would be this: Here was a righteous man who was wise and unafraid, who followed his star, never lowered his flag, and never lost his self-respect. His greatness was purely personal. He may

have no lasting fame like Webster's, though BORAH was greater as a human being. BORAH will have no heartbroken followers like Blaine, who held men through their affections, and when they died left Blaine unknown and unhonored. BORAH will live in our history as a strange and noble figure who lived most simply and by his very simplicity took on elements of grandeur. He was a statesman only so far as he was an honest man who dedicated his talents to his country's good, as selfless as ever a man had been in American public life. If that is greatness, he is entitled to don his memorial bronze and live among the immortals of his generation.

Remarks by Representative Vreeland

Of New Jersey

Mr. VREELAND. Mr. Speaker, I believe every Member of the House and Senate has regretted the loss of the fine statesman, WILLIAM E. BORAH, of Idaho; and, while we did not agree entirely with all of his ideals, nevertheless he represented the great American spirit of independent thinking which has made this country the finest on earth. Not only have we, the Members of Congress, regretted the loss of our colleague, but also very many of the citizens in our communities. Under leave to extend my remarks in the Record, I include the following radio address of Hon. John A. Matthews, LL. D., on January 21, 1940, over Station WHBI:

Good evening, ladies and gentlemen of the radio audience. There were many happenings recorded in the news of the past week which challenge our attention, some of them, like the developments in the agitation about a Government loan to Finland, worthy of our careful attention and comment. Today, however, I feel that I should dedicate this half hour of radio time in large part to the inexpressibly sad news of the death of the greatest champion the cause of peace in America has ever had, our noblest, sincerest, and most courageous crusader in the fight to keep America out of war and to keep war out of America. I refer, with saddened heart, to United States Senator WILLIAM E. BORAH, of Idaho.

Eulogy, my fellow Americans, is but an ephemeral tribute to the dead. The mere recital of the great accomplishments of the Lion of Idaho during his more than 33 years of statesmanlike service in the Senate of our Nation would be but the transitory tribute of words.

That he was the constantly watchful sentinel of human liberty as guaranteed by the Bill of Rights in our Constitution, that he was the implacable foe of the cant and hypocrisy of those whom he referred to on the floor of the Senate only a week ago last Thursday as "treacherous foes who seek shelter under the laws and institutions which assure free speech, free press, and personal liberty, and then make use of this shelter to destroy the government which protects them,” not only his record during his lifetime of service in

the Senate discloses but the very name BORAH connotes these facts. In the difficult legislative tasks involving the foreign policy of our country, Senator BORAH typified the spirit and spoke the language of George Washington. "No entangling alliances" was his watchword in the performance of these duties.

And though his opponents in the forum and in the press called him an isolationist, like his prototype, the Father of Our Country, he was an isolationist only in the sense, as he put it, that he would save our beloved country and the sons of American mothers from "participation in such wars as have gone on in Europe from the Spanish Succession to the present time "chapters," as he called these wars, "in the bloody volume of European politics."

Isolationist indeed he was in the sense that George Washington was an isolationist. But like the Father of His Country he was no pacifist.

Only last October his great patriotic American soul poured itself forth to his colleagues in the Senate during the debate on the repeal of the arms embargo in these courageous words: “I am not a pacifist. If Germany, or Great Britain, or if any nation attacks this Nation, kills its people, destroys its property, and makes war, I am ready again, terrible as I know the consequences will be, to vote for a declaration of war."

And so I might go on, my fellow Americans, with this mere transitory tribute of words, this mere recital of accomplishments, this splendid record of statesmanship of one who, like Webster and Calhoun, now belongs to the ages.

But it is my desire, and I know it is yours, that our tribute to our fallen leader in our crusade to keep America out of war and to keep war out of America shall transcend the bounds of ephemeral eulogy, and that it shall take on the character of a perpetual memorial to Senator BORAH, a memorial not fashioned by our hands but a perpetual memorial built in our hearts, a memorial of love and devotion to his ideals which we will bequeath to our children and to our children's children until posterity merges with eternity. That memorial, my fellow Americans, shall have on it this simple but sacred inscription, "Keep faith with BORAH."

Senator BORAH is dead, but his spirit lives. Yea, more; he has bequeathed that spirit to America in a document from which I want to read to you this afternoon; a document that may well be called his last will and testament; a document which, like the last will and testament of George Washington-affectionately called Washington's Farewell Address-makes every American heir to the spirit of Americanism which Senator BORAH preached and practiced, and in the cause of which he died. I refer, my fellow Americans, to the speech delivered by Senator BORAH in the Senate

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