spite" from other observers, "would have been valuable and useful criticism" from M. Dupin ;-who, therefore, ought to have abused Edinburgh and its inhabitants, as some ungrateful scoundrels, in return for the attention and hospitality they met with, have done before him. The Doctor, however, consoles his disappointment thus: "He (M. Dupin) has promised us another visit; and if these remarks should meet his eye, he may perhaps be induced to point out to us what, from habit and familiarity, we are less able to see, &c;" in short, he may perhaps take the Doctor's hint, and abuse Edinburgh. That, however, is already done to his hand. A pitiful dog, not altogether unknown to the citizens of Edinburgh, and no stranger to this Reviewer, some time ago expectorated a portion of atrabilious matter, which he labelled "The Modern Athens," and caused to be inserted in the London Magazine. It was naturally very acrid, but from the heterogeneous stuff mixed up with it, it was perfectly innocuous. Like the other compositions of its author, it was filled with the most extravagant exaggeration, and betokened gross ignorance, or contempt for matter of fact, in every line.

Heus tu, Quidam ait, ignoras te? an ut ignotum

dare nobis

Verba putas?

The Reviewer of Dupin should have called the attention of the latter to that notable composition.

The cream of the critique comes next. "We need not trouble ourselves (quoth the Reviewer) with M. Dupin's general views of the Highlands, having long, and LATELY also, had FAR TOO MUCH of that wearisome subject, which seems ever to possess some stupid attractions for the people, maintained by fulsification and romance." We leave to the Reviewer the "falsification;" we kept the "romance" to ourselves; and we say to him, further, "Let the galled jade wince!" Nay more, if it will soothe him under a late in fliction, we shall not quarrel with him for calling the Highland Army of 1745" a few divided and ignorant savages."

It is, however, marrow to his bones to find any thing with which

to reproach the Highlauders. Witness the following tilt at Colonel Macdonell of Glengarry.

We were much amused, however, with his (Dupin's) indignation at one of these barbarian chieftains, a fit successor and specimen of that detestable tyranny which so long crushed this slavish and unhappy country, and which, if we are to believe M. Dupin, these half-savage chiefs would willingly revive again. He found a pyra. mid covered with a brutal device of seven heads, shewing "their hideous faces with their hair bristled, and grasped by an enormous hand, holding a sword from which blood is dropping." On this pyramid is an inscription in Latin, French, English, and Gaelic; the English, which is of such a' quality as might be expected from a Highland chieftain, purporting that it is meant to" commemorate the triumph of feudal justice," as it is called; in other words, the power which these barbarians had, of cutting off the heads of their slaves whenever they thought proper. M. Dupin's nerves seem to have been much subverted at this sight, when he exclaims," May my feeble voice make this infamous mo

nument known to all the extremities of

Europe, and may the nations feel and appreciate the distinction between such arbitrary sentences, those prompt and glorious massacres of feudal times, and the constitutional judgments of our independent juries!" Should he return to this country, we recommend him to case himself in double armour, and not to venture near the "fountain of heads" without a few braces of pistols. He has yet to learn that his "virtuous and simple mountaineers" are not so absolutely rescued from the "glorious" protection of the feudal times, as he at first appears to have imagined.

Now, let the Reviewer mark how a plain tale shall put him down:-M. Dupin ought to have known better, because he is accustomed to inquire.

Seven Macdougals, a father, three sons, and three nephews, rented from the Gordon family the small farm of Inverlair. Instead, however, of applying themselves to the cultivation of their land, or to the raising of sheep and cattle, these miscreants took to indiscriminate robbery, and became the terror of the whole country. Macdonell of Keppoch, who, with his younger brother, happened to return from his travels at the time when the Macdougals were carrying on their spoliations without let or

hindrance, interposed to check their lawless proceedings, first by remonstrance, and afterwards by threatening to have them deprived of their lease, and turned out of their lands, unless they chose to desist, and live quietly. The remonstrance and the threat were equally unavailing. Determined, if possible, to rid the country of such a nest of villains, Keppoch applied to the Duke of Gordon to recal their lease, which was done accordingly. In revenge for this proceeding, these atrocious ruffians set upon Keppoch and his brother, whom they murdered with every circumstance of cruelty. The alarm was instantly given; they were pursued by the Macdonells; and being taken almost red-hand, they were put to death in the manner described in the inscription on the monument, which has called forth the declamatory nonsense of M. Dupin.

Now, it will not, we presume, be denied, that the extermination of this gang of robbers and murderers, though a little irregular, was at least an act of substantial justice; and every Scotsman knows, that when this event took place, the heritable jurisdictions in the North were in full force, and consequently, that that "feudal justice" which makes M. Dupin shrivel up with horror, was the only sort of justice to which the people had then access, and was probably not the worse on the present occasion, for being a little summary.

These are the facts. It was to commemorate the punishment of a gang of assassins that Glengarry erected the monument in question; and though the taste displayed in the sculptures be not very admirable, it is surely a monstrous perversion of all sense and reason to call it an "infamous mo

nument." Only listen to the bombastical rant of the "loquacious" Frenchman: "May my feeble voice make this infamous monument known to all the extremities of Europe, and may the NATIONS feel and appreciate the distinction between such arbitrary sentences, those prompt and glorious HASSACRES of feudal times, and the constitutional judgments of our INDEPENDENT JURIES!!!" This is, doubtless, meant to be sublime, and will probably pass for fine writing in France. On this side of the Chan

nel, we can only consider it a specimen of superb nonsense.

The inscription is in the four different languages mentioned in the foregoing extract, and we may presume, that the Latin, French, and Gaelic are quite unexceptionable, seeing the Doctor has said nothing to the contrary; but the English, he tells us, "is of such quality as might be expected from a Highland chieftain." We take leave to observe, however, that when the Doctor writes good English himself, we will be inclined to listen to his critiques on Glengarry's style; and we beg to mention, as a proof of human fallibility, that only six lines before that containing the above impertinence, there is a gross blunder in grammar. "We were much amused (says the Reviewer) with his (Dupin's) indignation at one of these barbarian chieftains, (Glengarry,) a fit successor and specimen of that detestable tyranny which so long crushed this slavish and unhappy country, and which, if we are to believe M. Dupin, these half-savage (they were just now whole 'barbarian,') chiefs would willingly revive again!”

It is not our business to notice the profusion of insults heaped upon Glengarry in the preceding extracts; but the atrocious insinuation about the "braces of pistols,"-which just amounts to this, that whoever ventures near the "Fountain of Heads," is in danger of being assassinated,— will, we have no doubt, be noticed as it deserves. Whatever may be his faults, and with these the Doctor had no manner of concern, it consists with our personal knowledge, that the whole empire does not contain a better husband, a more judicious parent, a kinder friend, a more hospitable landlord, or a more perfect gentleman, in the intercourse of private life, than the "barbarian chieftain," who, it is here broadly insinuated, lays in wait to assassinate those who visit the monument he has erected to commnemorate the summary justice exercised by his ancestors in feudal times.

So much for the "infamous monument." The Reviewer goes on to speak of the Northern Lights, and to inform us that "the Commissioners are the Solicitor-General, the Lord Advocate, and-Sir Walter

Scott, THE NOVELIST!" We know of only one Sir Walter Scott, whose simple name is familiar as a household word, from the rising of the sun to the going down of the same; and we are not aware on what grounds any man can conceive himself justified in calling that illustrious individual, Sir Walter Scott, the Novelist, in applying to him an addition, the truth or falsehood of which is clearly beyond the ken of a London Radical Reviewer. Be this as it may, however, the epithet is meant as an insult, because it sounds somewhat degrading. The Reviewer thought it would have a sting. Perhaps he is mistaken. It is one of the conditions of greatness to be exposed to this and other impertinencies. For example, an impudent fellow, who shall be nameless, some time ago took it into his head to inscribe four volumes of nonsense and fabrication to the eminent individual abovenamed, and to address him in every page as if they had been friends for half a century; whereas the real truth is, that the foresaid impudent fellow had never met Sir Walter above twice in his life, and, on these occasions, in promiscuous society, and was so little known to him, that the offices of a third party were necessary to solicit Sir Walter's permission to dedicate to him the aforesaid honest and veracious work. It is superfluous to add, that when the illustrious Baronet, with his usual kindness of disposition, granted the permission solicited, he had no idea, either of the contents of the work, or of the use that was to be made of his name. Now, we should not be a bit surprised if the Reviewer knew as well as ourselves to whom this little story applies.

In the passage immediately following that just quoted, there is a most libellous attack on the highly respectable engineer of the Northern Lights; to which, of course, we will not give greater currency by extracting any part of it. Suffice it to say, that it is as false as it is malignant, and that it plainly manifests the ani mus injuriandi.

The last passage of this article to

which we shall call the reader's attention is as follows:-"As to the sepulture of Mr Watt in an unknown burying-ground,' while the ashes of Garrick, the performer, repose under the sacred roof of Westminster Abbey,' there is not much honour in what any blockhead can purchase from the Dean and Chapter. The great bones of Westminster will find themselves in strunge company at the resurrection!" Now, Mr Editor of the Westminster Review, whatever may be your own opinions on the subject of Religion, you ought not to defile the pages of your work with detestable and blasphemous ribaldry, fit only for the lips and the writings of the Paines, the Palmers, the Carliles, and others of that infidel crew; you should not have permitted the poorest scribbler you have ever yet employed, to make merry with one of the fundamental tenets of the Christian Faith; you should, even as matter of good taste alone, have expunged this foul blot, calculated, as it unquestionably is, to inflict a more serious injury upon the credit of your work, than all the illnatured tirades which all your enemies can indite against you. Take

care.

We have hardly left ourselves room to notice the remaining articles, even in the most perfunctory manner. These are-a review of Moore's Life of Sheridan, an able paper, containing some valuable information as well as sound criticism; an Analysis of the Diary of Samuel Pepys, well executed; a Defence of the Geologists from the charges brought against them by Mr Granville Penn, in his Mineral and Mosaical Geologies; a wordy, lachrymose, laboured affair, apparently from the pen of the Reviewer of Dupin; and, lastly, a very good account of Buckingham's Travels among the Arab Tribes, to which is appended a short account of that gentleman's disputes with Mr Bankes. We fully intended to offer some remarks on all these papers; sed Cynthius aurem vellit; in plain terms, we have exceeded our limits, and must have done. We shall not lose sight of the Westminster,

We entered somewhat fully into the question of Negro Slavery in our Magazine for July last, when we endeavoured to lay before our readers the progress and aspect of the question at that time. We are induced to recur to it at present, chiefly by two considerations. First, because a great number of most important documents have been recently laid before the public, which enables us to bring forward a variety of most important facts, hitherto little known; and, secondly, because we are approaching a crisis in this great and interesting contest. It must be brought forward early after the meeting of Parliament; and that the people at large may be enabled to judge of the propositions to be brought forward for the relief of the Negroes, it is necessary that the subject should be kept before the eye of the public, and that all the facts connected with it should be well understood and considered.

It cannot, and it ought not to be concealed, that the abolitionists never will cease from their labours, until they have achieved the total and complete emancipation of every slave within the colonies of Great Britain. Their quarrel with slavery is, not that oppression and cruelty have grown out of it as accidental consequences, and therefore that the redress of these oppressions and cruelties will be sufficient,-their objections are deeper and broader. They assert that slavery is a wrong in itself-an unjustifiable wrong, which cannot be defended by any plea of reason, or religion, or expedience, and that it is productive of accumulated and intolerable wrong in every respect, and, therefore, that the system itself must be plucked up by the roots. Delenda est servitudo is the determined purpose, not only of all those who are awakened to a proper sense of the unalienable rights of every human being, but also of all men who are capable of taking a just and dispassionate view of the real advantage of the colonies themselves. The discussion, which has been long

pending, and now recommenced after being dormant for a while, can never be terminated till its great end is accomplished. The flame which has been kindled cannot be quenched until the degrading bonds of every slave within the British dominions are consumed by its steady and powerful blaze.

We admit that difficulties surround the question: we admit that the future welfare both of the white and black inhabitants of the colonies are involved in its decision; and, therefore, it is necessary to proceed wisely, and with deliberation. But we must proceed. Something must be done. The difficulties which are alleged and admitted to attend the question must not be permitted to be made the pretence for doing nothing at all. Yet such is the policy of the West Indians, and of their advocates in this country. They say you are tampering with what you know nothing about; and they require to be left to themselves to manage their slaves just as they please, and as their ancestors have done for ages already. They say that their own interest necessarily constrains them to treat their slaves well, and that all interference is not only useless, but provoking and injurious. It is to be regretted that these artifices have already had but too much success. Year after year has been suffered to roll away, trusting to the West Indian Legislatures doing what they never will do; but we must be admonished by the experience of the past, and now take the business into our own hands.

Slavery is the most degraded state in which human beings can exist. If a man is his own master-if he has his labour, his time, and his exertions, at his own disposal, be his lot ever so low, the door of hope is open to him, and there exists a stimulus which will awaken his faculties within him. But no such influence can visit the bosom of a slave. He toils, but not for himself-his years wear away, but the future is

and the present is one uninterrupted round of degrading, and generally oppressive labour. Slavery is a fountain of bitter waters. They pour out their vitiating streams most fully and grievously on the slave himself -he is placed on a level with the brutes, his companions in labour. But slavery never fails likewise to vitiate the society in which it exists. It communicates a ferocity of disposition and a profligacy of manners. We fear that this is but too true of many districts of the West-Indies. Mr Jefferson thus states his opinion of the effects of slavery in America: and it is evident the same cause must produce the same effects in our colonies. There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of the people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it, for man is an imitative animal. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his morals and manners undepraved by such circumstances." This is the opinion of the effects of slavery, pronounced by a man who had spent his life in a country where it existed, and who has filled the office of President of the United States; who can object to his competency and ability to form an accurate opinion? Besides all this, it has been demonstrated incontrovertibly, again and again, that slave labour is ruinously expensive; and that looking at it merely as a question of profit and loss, no judicious man would hesitate to cultivate his lands by free labourers, in preference to slaves, if such labourers were encouraged.

It is an established fact, that the slavery existing in our Colonies is of a nature much more severe than that existing in the Spanish Colonies, or in the United States of America. In the former, in particular, the laws go to afford much relief and relaxaion to the slave. He has every Sunday to himself: he also has another day in the week to work for himself in his provision-grounds; and thirty holidays are, over and above, allowed, making, in all, 134 days in the year free from labouring for his master: while the law likewise puts every facility in the way of a slave's manumission. It does not make that important measure depend on the caprice of an unwilling master-nor does it load it with heavy taxes and fines which operate almost as a prohibition. The Spanish law, on the contrary, gives a right to a slave to demand his liberty whenever he can pay a fair price for it; and this price is not to be fixed by the master, but by an umpire appointed by both. In many other particulars, the Spanish law is favourable to the comforts of the slave, as by protecting and enencouraging their marriages, &c. The consequence of which provisions has been, that in all the old settlements of Spain upon the continent of America, slavery was fast wearing out, even before the late events which have extinguished it altogether. And in the islands still belonging to Spain, the same effects would take place, were it not for the fresh importa