tion could not be received from persons civilly dead." The petition, however, owing "to the peculiar and exceptional circumstances of the case," was subsequently received. It is essential that the petition be presented by a member of the House to which it is addressed, and this member must place his name with his own hand at the beginning of the document. In order to facilitate the redress of grievances, it is provided that petitions may be sent through the mails, free of postage, to members of either House, in case they be sent in open covers and do not weigh more than thirty-two ounces. The freedom with which the right to petition is exercised in England will be evident from a few statistics. Since 1833, nearly a million petitions upon all conceivable subjects have been presented to the House of Commons. The number of petitions gradually increased from 1833 to 1872, but since that time there has been a decrease. In 1843, 34,000 petitions were presented at a single session. The whole history of petitioning furnishes a good illustration of that spirit of freedom and justice which pervades the entire government of England. TH CHAPTER XV IMPRESSIONS OF PARLIAMENT HAT famous legislative body which Carlyle sarcastically termed, "The great talking shop at Westminster," has a peculiar interest for American travellers in Europe. The English Parliament is in itself an important body, representing as it does one of the greatest of the modern world powers; but it possesses a peculiar attraction for the American tourist, since his institutions are of English origin and are still strikingly similar in many respects to those of the mother country. Few Americans, then, will fail, if opportunity offers, to look in upon that great legislative body which represents not only the Witan of Anglo-Saxon times, but also the original House of Commons established by Simon de Montfort in 1265. The history of the English Parliament, its present importance, and its kinship to our institutions invest it with a peculiar interest from the American standpoint. The visitor soon finds that it is somewhat more difficult to gain admission to the English Parliament than it is to the American Congress. He Cards of may enter the spacious galleries of the Admission. Senate or House of Representatives without ticket, but before entering those of the Lords or Commons he must obtain an order signed by a member of the House to which admission is sought. It is usually not very difficult to obtain the requisite order, and many Americans have been admitted through the courtesy of Mr. James Bryce, the well-known author of the "American Commonwealth." Even when fortunate enough to obtain the necessary order, however, the visitor is often obliged to await his turn before being admitted. He is also scrutinised with great care by the practised eyes of the officials, and is not allowed to carry a hand bag or a parcel of any kind into the Houses. These precautions have been made necessary by the various gunpowder plots and dynamite episodes which have centred about the Houses of Parliament. The same precautions are taken at other public places in London, notably at the Tower, where the Crown jewels to the value of £3,000,000 are deposited. When we consider the small size of the various galleries, and the fact that no little damage was done to the Houses of Parliament by a dynamite explosion during the Fenian agitation of a few years ago, we can readily see why restrictions are placed upon the admission of visitors. House of The visitor will usually go to the House of Commons first, and to the House of Lords later, if at all. The House of Commons is now the real governing power in England. The power of the Crown has practically vanished, and that of the Lords is by no means co-ordinate with the power of the popular branch. Since 1832 the Lords have not been able to defeat a measure which the Com |